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Pojem svobody u Thomase Hobbese

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EN
The aim of this text is to show that, for Hobbes, the problem of freedom in the political sphere is of fundamental importance, and that it presents one of the central motifs of his political philosophy. The point of departure is Hobbes’s definition of the concept of freedom as the non-existence of external obstacles. Following this, the author turns to the concept of metaphysical freedom which Hobbes, as a determinist, rejects, and to the problem of the relation of fear and freedom, and thus, above all, to the question of to what extent fear of repression means a restriction of freedom. The following sections of the article bring into play the second significant concept of freedom to be found in Hobbes, freedom as exemption from laws, and the third concept of freedom, the freedom of the subject. In conclusion, attention is also given to the less important and derivative forms of freedom, that is, to freedom of expression and freedom of the state. At the same time, an enquiry is made into the question of whether, given the different definitions, Hobbes’s linking of these various conceptions of freedom is consistent and to what extent Hobbes succeeds in achieving the philosophical goals which he set himself.
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The article investigates the canonical plays of William Shakespeare - Hamlet, Macbeth, A Midsummer Night’s Dream and The Tempest - in an attempt to determine the nature of Shakespeare’s position on the early modern tendency to demonize fairy belief and to view fairies as merely a form of demonic manifestation. Fairy belief left its mark on all four plays, to a greater or lesser extent, and intertwined with the religious concerns of the period, it provides an important perspective on the problem of religion in Shakespeare’s works. The article will attempt to establish whether Shakespeare subscribed to the tendency of viewing fairies as demonic agents, as epitomized by the Daemonologie of King James, or opposed it. Special emphasis will also be put on the conflation of fairies and Catholicism that one finds best exemplified in Thomas Hobbes’ Leviathan. The article draws on a wealth of recent scholarship on early modern fairies, bringing together historical reflection on the changing perception of the fairy figure, research into Shakespeare’s attitude towards Catholicism and analyses of the many facets of anti-Catholic polemic emerging from early modern Protestant discourse.
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This essay will present Hobbes as the most consistent philosopher of the 17th century, and show that in all areas his endeavors have cogency that is unrivalled, in many ways even to this day. The second section will outline Hobbes’ conception of philosophy and his causal materialism. Section 3 will deal briefly with Hobbes’ discussion of sensation and then present his views on the nature and function of language and how reason depends upon language. Section 4 portrays his views about the material world; Section 5 deals with nature of man; and the 6th section with the artificial body of the commonwealth and the means of its creation.
EN
The article investigates the canonical plays of William Shakespeare - Hamlet, Macbeth, A Midsummer Night’s Dream and The Tempest - in an attempt to determine the nature of Shakespeare’s position on the early modern tendency to demonize fairy belief and to view fairies as merely a form of demonic manifestation. Fairy belief left its mark on all four plays, to a greater or lesser extent, and intertwined with the religious concerns of the period, it provides an important perspective on the problem of religion in Shakespeare’s works. The article will attempt to establish whether Shakespeare subscribed to the tendency of viewing fairies as demonic agents, as epitomized by the Daemonologie of King James, or opposed it. Special emphasis will also be put on the conflation of fairies and Catholicism that one finds best exemplified in Thomas Hobbes’ Leviathan. The article draws on a wealth of recent scholarship on early modern fairies, bringing together historical reflection on the changing perception of the fairy figure, research into Shakespeare’s attitude towards Catholicism and analyses of the many facets of anti-Catholic polemic emerging from early modern Protestant discourse.
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The purpose of this article is to show the relationships of Hobbes’ political philosophy in Leviathan with the Reformed Theology, including the Covenant Theology. It is reasonable to claim that this philosophy was inspired by religious elements of Calvinism. Although Hobbes is classified as contractual thinker, however, in Leviathan he used the concept of covenant, but defined it as a contract. The concept of covenant is strongly associated with a moral sphere. In the political theory of Hobbes the covenant faithfulness is the basis for policy. The secular nature of Hobbes’ theory, in fact, is based on the moral ground.
PL
DOI: 10.19251/sej/2019.10(3)Abstrakt Tomasz Hobbes jest jednym z tych filozofów, których myśl wyprzedzała swój czas i musiała czekać kilka wieków, by zo­stać docenioną. Uznanie za kluczowe dla europejskiej filozofii politycznej przyszło dla dzieła autora Lewiatana w XX w., na fali rozczarowania idealistyczną filo­zofią niemiecką. Narodziły się wówczas dwa nurty badań nad Hobbesem. Przed­stawiciele pierwszego – z Carlem Schmit­tem na czele – uważali, iż Hobbesa należy uznać za twórcę absolutystycznego myśle­nia o polityce. Przedstawiciele drugiego, opisywani w tekście Leo Strauss i Micha­el Oakeshott – za twórcę myślenia libe­ralnego. Strauss i Oakeshott inaczej jed­nak do takiej konkluzji w swoich pracach o Oakeshocie dochodzili. Strauss – po­przez analizę kwestii heroizmu w myśleniu Hobbesa; Oakeshott – poprzez położenie nacisku na hobbesowską filozofię języka. W artykule autor przedstawia zbieżności i różnice pomiędzy podejściami Straussa i Oakeshotta, wskazując na liberalny rdzeń myśli Hobbesa, uwidoczniony w jego in­terpretacjach autorstwa dwóch filozofów.Słowa kluczowe Thomas Hobbes, Michael Oake­shott, Leo Strauss, indywidualizm, libe­ralizm
EN
The paper discusses some fundamental differences between Aristotelian and modern conceptions of the state. It focuses its attention on the early liberal thinkers, such as Thomas Hobbes and John Locke, and contrasts the theory of state developed by them with the classical republican ideal described by Aristotle. As I will demonstrate main differences come down to (1) distinct ideas concerning the state’s origins (and especially human motivations behind establishing the state), (2) divergent convictions about the role of the state and its ethical dimension; and finally (3) different beliefs concerning basic feelings and passions which sustain existence of political community. I argue that on the basis of Stagirite’s philosophy it is possible to question whether civic association described by the precursors of liberal political thought is actually the state. In conclusion, I signalize the problem of serious limitations of contemporary liberal democracies (or even their internal contradictions) resulting from their attempt to follow an ideal of an ideologically neutral state.
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Leslie Stephen, jeden z głównych przedstawicieli wiktoriańskiego agnostycyzmu i autor ważny dla wiktoriańskiej historiografii, wiele miejsca w swych dziełach poświęcił filozofii Thomasa Hobbesa, którego interpretował jako zdecydowanego sceptyka i którego myśl zainspirowała częściowo jego własną filozofię, szczególnie w przypadku takich zagadnień, jak rola religii i natura wiary. Analiza dokonanego przez Stephena porównania Hobbesa do Herberta Spencera ukazuje analogię między dwoma ujęciami problemu wiedzy o Bogu obecnymi w dziełach Hobbesa a formą, jaką problem ten przyjął u fideisty Henry’ego Longueville’a Mansela i agnostyka Herberta Spencera, rzucając światło na nowożytne inspiracje wiktoriańskiego agnostycyzmu i wpływ, jaki poglądy jego zwolenników wywarły na historiografię ich epoki.
EN
Leslie Stephen, one of the main representatives of Victorian agnosticism and an important Victorian historiographer, devoted much space in his works to the philosophy of Thomas Hobbes, interpreted by Stephen as a confirmed sceptic; Hobbes’ thought partially inspired Stephen’s own philosophy—especially when it comes to such problems as the role of religion and the nature of faith. An analysis of Stephen’s comparison of Hobbes to Herbert Spencer shows an analogy between two accounts of the problem of the knowledge of God: (1) that of Hobbes and Henry Longueville Mansel, a fideist, and (2) that of Herbert Spencer, an agnostic. The analysis sheds light on the modern inspirations of Victorian agnosticism and its influence on Victorian historiography.
EN
In the present text, we provide a commentary on Hobbes' political theory, written by a philosopher from Lyon Joseph Vialatoux. Vialatoux attempts to place this classic philosophical concept of political power based on materialism into new contexts. He sees an analogy between Hobbes' thinking and the totalitarian systems of the twentieth century, Nazism and Communism. What applies to the Hobbes state – Leviathan, which is just a machine and man just part of this bureaucratic-mechanical system, also applies to all totalitarian systems that have emerged in history. Vialatoux reminds us that specific politics and political power is always born in a wider philosophical and cultural context.
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2021
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vol. 12
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issue 41
211-224
EN
RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The article is an attempt to provide reconstruction of Kelsen’s reading of Hobbes’ theory of natural law in the context of Kelsenian critique of Naturrechtslehre. THE RESEARCH PROBLEMS AND METHODS: The article focuses on an analysis of the pararells and similarities in the recognition of the relationship between natural and positive law between Kelsen’s critical positivism and Hobbes’ theory of natural law. The method applied is textual interpretation as consisted with Skinner’s historical contextualism. We do not trace “unit ideas” or “perennial problems” rather than individual answers to individual questions which nevertheless help to reveal similarities in using the concepts and modes of argument important in the context of contemporary disputes. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The article presents the basic outline of Kelsen’s pure theory of law, contemporary “therapeutic” and “secularistic” lectures of Hobbes’ political theory, Kelsenian critique of Hobbes’ “ideology of natural law” and examines the similarities between Kelsen’s and Hobbes’ line of arguments. RESEARCH RESULTS: The article concludes that Kelsen’s reading of Hobbes’ theory of natural law shows how the idea of justice “becomes a logical pattern”. Nevertheless, the tensions present in Kelsen’s and Hobbes’ theories of legal interpretation reveal the dubiousness of long-lasting attempts to construct political and legal theory unburdened by “religious and metaphysical mortgages”. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The intention of the article is to show that analysis of Kelsen’s and Hobbes’ critical contribution to natural law theory may broaden our understanding of the modern problem of judicial activism and relationship between law and politics.
PL
CEL NAUKOWY: Celem artykułu jest rekonstrukcja rozumienia przez Hansa Kelsena Hobbesowskiej teorii prawa natury w kontekście przeprowadzonej przez Kelsena krytyki Naturrechtslehre. PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE: W artykule podjęta jest analiza analogii i podobieństw w rozumieniu relacji między prawem pozytywnym a prawem natury w krytycznym pozytywizmie Kelsena i teorii prawa natury Hobbesa. Zastosowana metoda analizy tekstu wpisuje się w Skinnerowski kontekstualizm historyczny. Nie dążymy do analizy „idei elementarnych” ani „odwiecznych problemów”, lecz indywidualnych odpowiedzi na indywidualne pytania, pozwalających jednak ujawniać ciągłość problemów i trwałość znaczeń ważnych z punktu widzenia współcześnie dyskutowanych zagadnień. PROCES WYWODU: Artykuł ukazuje kolejno zarys Kelsenowskiej czystej teorii prawa, współczesne „terapeutyczne” i „sekularystyczne” odczytania Hobbesowskiej teorii politycznej, Kelsenowską krytykę „ideologii prawa natury” oraz analizę podobieństw między Kelsenowską i Hobbesowką argumentacją. WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Artykuł zamyka konkluzja – w odczytaniu Kelsena Hobbesowska nauka o prawie natury stanowi przykład „ulogicznienia ideałów sprawiedliwości”. Zarazem możliwe do zidentyfikowania napięcia w teoriach interpretacji prawa obydwu autorów eksponują problematyczność podejmowanych prób konstruowania teorii państwa i prawa wolnej od „metafizycznej hipoteki”. WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: W zamyśle artykułu jest ukazanie, że analiza sposobu, w jaki Kelsen i Hobbes ujmują problem prawa natury, może przyczynić się do lepszego zrozumienia współczesnych dyskusjiwokół aktywizmu sędziowskiego i relacji między prawem a polityką.
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The paper concerns the idea of freedom and her limits in the thought of the some representatives of classical liberalism. The paper has three parts: 1) freedom as a feature of the personality and her different forms (personal and social, positive and negative); 2) ideas if the English philosophers (T. Hobbes, J. Locke, D. Hume, J.S. Milli); 3) ideas of the French philosophers (Ch. Montesquieu, J.J. Rousseau, A. De Tocqueville). According to this thinkers human freedom is not a absolute value but has many limits (social contract, law, customs, religion and ethics).
EN
The article completes the study of totalitarianism in the twentieth century. In the first part of the text, we reviewed Joseph Vialatoux’s commentary on Hobbes’ political theory. In the second part, which we present here, we draw conclusions and general principles. Vialatoux is of the opinion that every totalitarianism is a form of naturalism. There are two main forms here. The first form is Hobbes philosophy, while the second is Durkheim’s sociologism. In response to totalitarianism, Vialatoux formulates the philosophy of mind. He then develops the theme of freedom. He distinguishes between inner and outer freedom. In conclusion, he speaks of order and authority as necessary conditions for human freedom.
EN
The concept of civilisation is a controversial one because it is unavoidably normative in its implications. Its historical associations with the effort of Western imperialism to impose substantive conditions of life have made it difficult for contemporary liberalism to find a definition of “civilization” that can be reconciled with progressive discourse that seeks to avoid exclusions of various kinds. But because we lack a way of identifying what is peculiar to the relationship of civilisation that avoids the problem of domination, it has tended to be conflated with other ideas. Taking Samuel Huntington’s idea of a “Clash of Civilisations” as a starting point, this article argues that we suffer from a widespread confusion of civilisation with “culture,” and that we also confuse it with other ideas including modernity and technological development. Drawing on Thomas Hobbes, the essay proposes an alternative definition of civilisation as the existence of limits on how we may treat others.
EN
This essay presents a posthumanist reading of Shakespeare’s The Tempest and Marlowe’s Doctor Faustus, two plays which feature a scientist/magus who attempts to control his environment through personal agency. After detailing the analogy between the agency of posthuman figures and the workings of computerized writing machines, as Katherine Hayles has proposed, my essay shows how Kott’s writing, especially his notion of the “Grand Mechanism” of history, anticipates the posthumanist theories that are currently dominating literary assessments. His critique of The Tempest makes this idea perfectly clear when he disputes the standard notion that Prospero represents a medieval magus; he instead argues that Prospero was more akin to Leonardo DaVinci, “a master of mechanics and hydraulics,” one who would have embraced revolutionary advances in “astronomy” as well as “anatomy” (1974: 321).
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