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Historyczno-filozoficzne aspekty polemologiczne a implikacje wychowawczo-kulturowe

100%
Małachowski R.
Rocznik Lubuski
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2012
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vol. 38
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issue 2
201-213
EN
The article concerns the interdisciplinary recognized aspects of war and struggle (polemological factors) which took place in the ancient and contemporary, historically conditioned, European civilization and cultural space. It shows mutual implications of totalitarianism explained by the following contents: philosophical, related to political science, political, moral-ethical, religious, artistic, cosmological, economic and anthropological. These contents are educational by the nature of its impact on individuals, people, communities and creative nations as well as the ones that contribute to the formation of human history.
PL
Artykuł dotyczy interdyscyplinarnie ujętych aspektów wojny i walki (czynniki polemologiczne) jakie miały miejsce w starożytnej oraz nowożytnej, historycznie uwarunkowanej, cywilizacyjno – kulturowej przestrzeni Europy. Jego problematyka ukazuje wzajemne implikacje totalitaryzmu, eksplanowane przez treści filozoficzne, politologiczne, polityczne, moralno – etyczne, religijne, artystyczne, kosmologiczne, ekonomiczne i antropologiczne. Treści te mają charakter pedagogizujący przez naturę swego oddziaływania na pojedyncze osoby, a także ludy, wspólnoty i narody kreujące, jak też biorące udział w tworzeniu historii ludzkości.
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Časopis Charita a jeho proměny v letech 1946–1951

100%
Svoboda R., Hendrych J.
Studia theologica
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2013
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vol. 15
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issue 4
35-46
EN
Research into the era of the Communist rise to power in this country after World War II ranks among the most significant topics of the history of the 20th century. It is a proven fact that Communists considered the Catholic Church their important ideological enemy. In the process of taking over and consolidating power, an inseparable part of which was also denouncing their enemies, the struggle to take over control of institutions belonging under the administration of the Catholic Church played a significant role. One of the means of attracting certain Catholics to their side in the ideological struggle involved efforts at influencing them by means of selected newspapers and magazines. The authors intend to demonstrate the changes in the content of the magazine Charita in connection with the gradual Communist ascension to power in Czechoslovakia after World War II.
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The Last Struggle: The Suppression of Agrarian Parties in Bulgaria, Hungary and Romania, 1944–1948

88%
Paraskevov V.
Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.
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2014
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vol. 6
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issue 2
47-69
EN
Th is paper examines struggle between three agrarian parties – the Bulgarian Agrarian National Union “Nikola Petkov”, the Hungarian Smallholders Party and the Romanian National Peasant Party – and the local communist parties and Soviet representatives. It identifi es the pattern and forms of communist campaigns against the opposition agrarian parties and places them in the context of domestic and international developments. Th e paper discusses how the abolition of the agrarian parties contributed to the sovietization of Bulgaria, Hungary and Romania. The paper shows that the agrarian parties were suppressed through the strong presence of Soviet representatives in the Allied Control Commission in Bulgaria, Romania and Hungary; communist pressure on the agrarian parties and their adherents during the parliamentary elections; communist propaganda and accusations against the agrarian opposition of subversive activities, chauvinism, fascism, anti-Soviet feelings, revengefulness; juridical trials that initially sought to discredit and fi nally led to the prohibition of agrarian parties; a very important factor for the domination of communist parties was their leading positions in the Ministries of the Interior and the security services. The paper outlines several reasons for the emergence of agrarian opposition: communist suppression of basic civil liberties and the expansion of Soviet infl uence after the war; agrarian disagreement with the restrictions on private property in agriculture with land reforms and fears of complete collectivization of land according to the Soviet model; the severe frictions between parties in the ruling coalitions; the fundamental ideological diff erences between agrarians and communists regarding the future development of Bulgaria, Hungary and Romania; and agrarian dissatisfaction with their junior position in the ruling coalitions.
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Joseph Vialatoux o legitimitě politické moci a rezistence: Suáreziánská schémata ve francouzském sociálním katolicismu

75%
Koblížek J.
Studia theologica
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2018
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vol. 3
169-192
EN
Joseph Vialatoux is the main figure in social Catholicism in France in the first half of the twentieth century. During the Nazi occupation he examined the nature of Pétain’s government in Vichy and the legitimacy of resistance of General de Gaulle. Apart from a detailed analysis of the Vichy’s power, which Vialatoux reveals as a totalitarian regime, he deals with general philosophical reflections on political power. It may be surprising for some that here the author uses the scholastic model, which can already be found in works more than three hundred years earlier in the political thinking of Francisco Suárez. This theoretical analysis then helps the author defend the ideas of the legitimacy of the resistance of General de Gaulle, in which Vialatoux sees a representative of the national consciousness and defending the general welfare of the French nation.
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Krize liberální demokracie a pojem společného dobra

63%
Baroš J.
Studia theologica
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2018
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vol. 2
129-149
EN
According to Pierre Manent, an eminent French Catholic political philosopher and a disciple of Leo Strauss, the concept of the common good has lost all its intelligibility in contemporary French society. It has been replaced by an emphasis on the concept of human rights. Human rights as such are not able, however, to serve as a viable basis for a political society. A similar analysis can be found in other Christian authors: for instance, vis-à-vis the crisis of contemporary liberal democracies, the main representatives of the so-called Radical Orthodoxy movement, John Milbank and Adrian Pabst, plead for the return of the politics of the common good. What is missing, however, in the works of these contemporary scholars is a systematic analysis of the concept of the common good as such. Up until now, the most elaborate analysis of this concept was developed by the Catholic scholars, Charles De Koninck and Yves R. Simon, during the 1940s and 1950s. Following their example, the article attempts to elucidate this key concept of political philosophy and Catholic social doctrine. In its first part, after an overview of the two basic meanings of the concept of the common good in Catholic social doctrine, the article analyzes the different facets of De Koninck´s magisterial treatise on the common good. Due to the many more metaphysical interests of De Koninck, the article argues that his concept of the common good must be supplemented by the much more politically focused analysis of Yves R. Simon. This eminent Thomist emphasized the connection between the concept of the (political) common good with the possibility of common action. The article finally offers a thorough reconstruction of the foundations of this neglected tradition of political thought which paradoxically could be seen as an (at least partial) possible cure for the current crises of liberal democratic political regimes.
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Kritika Hobbesovy politické filosofie u Josepha Vialatouxe: O příčinách totalitarismu ve XX. století

63%
Koblížek J.
Studia theologica
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2019
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vol. 2
135-152
EN
In the present text, we provide a commentary on Hobbes' political theory, written by a philosopher from Lyon Joseph Vialatoux. Vialatoux attempts to place this classic philosophical concept of political power based on materialism into new contexts. He sees an analogy between Hobbes' thinking and the totalitarian systems of the twentieth century, Nazism and Communism. What applies to the Hobbes state – Leviathan, which is just a machine and man just part of this bureaucratic-mechanical system, also applies to all totalitarian systems that have emerged in history. Vialatoux reminds us that specific politics and political power is always born in a wider philosophical and cultural context.
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Jewgienij Iwanowicz Zamiatin jako prekursor XX-wiecznej powieści antyutopijnej

63%
Brinko A.
Studia Europaea Gnesnensia
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2018
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issue 17
71-84
EN
The aim of this article is to reveal the relationship between the author of the first dystopia, Yevgeny Zamyatin and a totalitarian regime, by means of analyzing the biography and selected works of that writer; the analysis of the novel We – a prophecy novel, which can be regarded as an exaggerated depiction of the Stalinist regime; the analysis of the influence Zamyatin’s novel had on – far more famous – works by George Orwell and Aldous L. Huxley, as well as on the anti-utopia genre (dystopian literature) in general.
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Totalitarismus a svoboda v myšlení Josepha Vialatouxe. O příčinách totalitarismu ve dvacátém století (dokončení)

51%
Koblížek J.
Studia theologica
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2019
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issue 4
125-147
EN
The article completes the study of totalitarianism in the twentieth century. In the first part of the text, we reviewed Joseph Vialatoux’s commentary on Hobbes’ political theory. In the second part, which we present here, we draw conclusions and general principles. Vialatoux is of the opinion that every totalitarianism is a form of naturalism. There are two main forms here. The first form is Hobbes philosophy, while the second is Durkheim’s sociologism. In response to totalitarianism, Vialatoux formulates the philosophy of mind. He then develops the theme of freedom. He distinguishes between inner and outer freedom. In conclusion, he speaks of order and authority as necessary conditions for human freedom.
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Kritika neoliberálního modelu společnosti. Bibliografická studie o díle francouzského ekonoma Pierre‑Yves Gomeze

51%
Koblížek J.
Studia theologica
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2022
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vol. 1
129-143
EN
This article presents the work of the French thinker and economist Pierre‑Yves Gomez (* 1960). This author or seeks to define the neoliberal model of economics and society, and defends the principles of the Christian social doctrine. Against the background of Gomez’s texts, I attempt to show that the current neoliberal model can lead to a totalitarian conception of power in society. The main manifestation of neoliberalism is the obscuration of genuine human labour and concrete material values. These are replaced by speculation. According to Gomez, the company’s goal, which lies in the development of human persons and society as a whole, is replaced by financial gain. Gomez fights for the human person, concrete human work and the real material world, which are the prerequisites of a just society.
10
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Mawlana Wahiduddin Khan’s Critique of Political Interpretation of Islam

51%
Anwer A.
Łódzkie Studia Teologiczne
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2023
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vol. 32
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issue 1
69-85
PL
Artykuł przedstawia krytykę politycznej interpretacji islamu, zaproponowaną przez indyjskiego myśliciela Malwanę Wahiduddina Khana. Pytanie o miejsce polityki w islamie nabrało olbrzymiego znaczenia, zwłaszcza wobec ekstremistycznych działań wojujących islamistów: czy tego rodzaju działania wpisują się w szczególne odczytanie islamu, które wypływa z pewnego rozumienia religii, czy też zmierzają do wypełnienia głównego celu religii? Czy ustanowienie islamskiego porządku politycznego jest podstawowym zadaniem każdego muzułmanina? Tego rodzaju pytania pojawiają się w sposób naturalny w każdym człowieku zaniepokojonym terrorystycznymi działaniami wojujących islamistów. Ponieważ próbują oni usprawiedliwić swoje działanie szczególną interpretacją islamu, konieczne jest przedstawienie narracji stojącej w opozycji do ich interpretacji, a także wykazanie, że tego rodzaju osoby będące daleko od szczerego wyznawania islamu ponoszą winę za poważny błąd w jego interpretacji. Artykuł służy temu celowi przez przedstawienie krytyki politycznego islamu, dokonanej przez Mawlanę Wahiduddina Khana. Przez określenie „polityczny Islam” rozumie się szczególny wykład religii islamu, który postrzega wiarę głównie w kategoriach społeczno-politycznych. Krytyka dokonana przez Khana jest jednym z najwcześniejszych intelektualnych sprzeciwów wobec takiego rozumienia islamu. Mimo że wielu myślicieli wniosło wkład w teorię politycznego Islamu, artykuł koncentruje się jedynie na pismach indopakistańskiego badacza Mawlany Sayyida Abul Ala Mawdudiego i ich krytycznej ocenie dokonanej przez Wahiduddina Khana. Ponieważ polemika pomiędzy dwoma myślicielami może często być lekceważona jako inspirowana osobistym konfliktem lub pretensjami, artykuł nie ogranicza się do krytyki Mawududiego przez Kahna, ale również ocenia ją w świetle późniejszych badaczy.
EN
The article presents a critique of the political interpretation of Islam, proposed by the Indian thinker Malwana Wahiduddin Khan. The question of the place of politics in Islam has become enormous especially in the face of the extremist actions of militant Islamists: do such actions fit into a particular reading of Islam that springs from a certain understanding of religion, or do they pursue the main purpose of the religion? Is the establishment of an Islamic political order the primary task of every Muslim? This kind of question comes naturally to anyone concerned about the terrorist activities of militant Islamists. Since they are trying to justify their actions with a particular interpretation of Islam, it is necessary to present a narrative in opposition to theirs interpretation, and to show that such persons, who are far from a sincere adherence to Islam, are guilty of a serious misinterpretation of it. The article serves this purpose by presenting Mawlana Wahiduddin Khan’s critique of political Islam. By the term „political Islam” is meant a particular interpretation of the religion of Islam that sees the faith mainly in socio-political terms. Khan’s criticism is one of the earliest intellectual objections to this understanding of Islam. Although many thinkers have contributed to the theory of political Islam, the article focuses only on the writings of the Indo-Pakistani scholar Mawlana Sayyid Abul Ala Mawdudi and their critical assessment by Wahiduddin Khan. Since the polemic between two thinkers can often be dismissed as inspired by personal conflict or pretension, the article is not limited to Kahn’s criticism of Mawududi, but also assesses it in the light of later scholars.
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