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PL
Celem artykułu jest wyjaśnienie genezy oraz przedstawienie przebiegu konfliktu zbrojnego w Mali, rozpoczętego w styczniu 2012 r. W rozwiązanie tego konfliktu zaangażowane były także siły zbrojne Polski, które wspólnie z innymi krajami Unii Europejskiej szkoliły malijskie siły zbrojne. Konflikt ten jest doskonałym przykładem ukazania możliwości organizacji terrorystycznych w zderzeniu ze słabym państwem, przy biernej postawie środowiska międzynarodowego. Wojna w Mali pokazuje także, jak zaangażowanie się środowiska międzynarodowego w jeden konflikt – w tym przypadku w Libii – może mieć wpływ na destabilizację sytuacji bezpieczeństwa w drugim kraju – tj. w Mali. W artykule omówiono skutki upadku dyktatury Muammara Kadafiego dla wybuchu rebelii w Mali, przedstawiono także najważniejsze organizacje zbrojne zaangażowane w konflikt, ich rolę oraz skutki kilkumiesięcznych rządów na północy Mali. Zaprezentowano również działania, podjęte przez środowisko międzynarodowe w celu zakończenia konfliktu oraz stworzenia warunków do przywrócenia demokratycznych rządów w Mali.
EN
The aim of the article is to explain the origins and the course of the armed conflict in Mali, launched in January 2012. The Polish armed forces, which together with other European Union countries trained the Malian armed forces, were also involved in resolving this conflict. This conflict is a perfect example of showing the possibilities of terrorist organizations in the face of a weak state, with the passive attitude of the international environment. The war in Mali also shows how the involvement of the international environment into one conflict - in this case in Libya - may have an impact on the destabilization of the security situation in the other country – i.e. in Mali. The article discusses the effects of the collapse of Muammar Gaddafi's dictatorship on the outbreak of the insurrection in Mali, as well as the most important armed organizations involved in the conflict, their role and the effects of several-month rule in the north of Mali. Actions taken by the international community to end the conflict and create conditions for the restoration of democratic rule in Mali were also presented
EN
Article describes a complex political crisis lasting in Mali and his probable implications. There were presented in detail two fundamental aspects of this crisis such as: the Tuareg (MNLA) and islamists rebellion started in January as well as military coup from march 2012. It was claimed that the military intervention at the beginning of 2013 r., in which French army was involved, was an indispensable solution – but insufficient. It was found that sweeping reforms are needed to value Tuareg participation in political and economic life of the country (for eg. in the form of autonomy). It was demonstrated that labile interior situation in Mali might destabilize all order in Western and Sub-Saharan Africa as well as in Sahel area by increasing the threat of terrorism, Islamic fundamentalism and crime (especially by AKIM, Boko Haram and MUJAO). Not to mention the safety of North Africa, where the situation after the Arab Spring is still fragile, and in the longer term, Europe and the USA.
EN
The conflict between the Tuareg people and the Republic of Mali which erupted again in 2012 may be analyzed at many levels - political, economic, military. Being an ethnologist I would like to draw attention to the cultural aspects of this situation. The Tuareg people do not identify themselves with countries they live in because of basically two reasons: skin colour and some substantial cultural differences manifested, among others, in a lack of participation in a conventional similarity of jokes. This article is devoted to the second issue. During the time of persistent conflict between the Tuareg and modern countries (Mali, Niger) the best solution would be to grant a farreaching autonomy for areas inhabited by pastoral people to the north of the Niger River valley excluding big cities (Gao, Timbuktu) and to include nomads to create more or less unified society - if cultural differences will not stand in the way. If the Tuareg will be still feeling hurt in Mali or Niger, they may enter into communication with Islamic fundamentalists and terrorist groups. A great deal of it depends on whether governments in Bamako and Niamey will stick to the European definition of a country or whether they will concentrate on the manner of the functioning of old African states.
EN
This article is about the Tuareg rebellion in Mali in the years 2012— 2013, the French intervention in the country and the creation of ethnic transformation of the Islamist groups in the fight against the lawful government. The author discusses the possible consequences of this rebellion and its political implications as well as possible international contexts.
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