The article scrutinises the economic relations of Poland and Turkey, two growing emerging markets. It examines both the current level of economic trade, as well as the potential for enhancing the economic partnership in such areas as innovation, trade, energy, and cooperation in third markets. The article contends that the prospects for boosting economic cooperation are linked to political collaboration and are dependent upon geopolitical factors.
By the establishment of a special unit established within the Ministry of Education, called the “Maarif-I Umumiye Nezareti” [1] in 1871 and the reforms emerged in 1924 when the tasks of this special unit were taken by the Ministry of Education itself have triggered numerous variations on physical education teacher’s education. In Turkey it has been possible to study physical education in order to give lessons at schools since 1915, yet only male students above 18 have been permitted to these studies [10]. Between 1908 and 1920 there was another reform of physical education and as a consequence of Selim Sırrı Tarcanin’s efforts physical education at schools became much more important than before. In 1933 an institute for the education of physical education teachers was established at the college of education in Ankara, where female students were admitted access for the first time. Then, some additional sports academies were founded during the 1970’s and 1980’s. Between 1975–1976 the very first implementation of physical education in universities has been realized by Ege University through its Sports Academy. In 1982, physical education studies into the curriculum of common universities were reintegrated so that now there are 65 institutes for physical education at all of the country’s universities [4]. The candidates who want to study PE teacher’s education at universities are tested for specific criteria as their physical appearance and their basic skills in athletic games and gymnastics. If these students are accepted to this programme, they will be garanted a four-year bachelor degree including a schedule above 140 credits with the aim of being a physical education teacher [5].
Turkey has a developed banking sector which has a very important place in Turkish economy. Internet banking applications started in 1997. Though it does not have a long history it has a very huge potential in the Turkish market. The aim of this paper is to explore if demographical factors are important in identifying the target customers for internet banking; to identify the perception of consumers regarding the attributes of internet banking usage; and to check if consumers perceive internet banking as a useful alternative channel. For this, an empirical research was conducted on 506 internet users over the age of 18, and two different clusters of non-users of internet banking and three different clusters for users of internet banking were identified, based on the demographic characteristics of respondents, which could be a valuable tool for marketing managers for identifying their segmentation and positioning strategies. Five factors were found to be as attributes of internet banking usage. Among the five factors, “security and trust” was found to be the factor that had the highest factor load for Internet banking usage. Finally, the discriminant analysis carried out reveals clues for bank managers about how to identify potential Internet bank users.
In the article was analyzed Turkish policy to Iran. In the last decade Turkey established regular relations with increasing trade exchange volume. In 2010 Turkey and Brazil proposed a plan for solution Iran’s nuclear deadlock. Although, a plan was not accepted by the Western powers at present in dealing with Iranian nuclear crisis Turkish role as a reliable mediator should be greater.
PL
W artykule przeanalizowano turecką politykę wobec Iranu. W ostatniej dekadzie relacje irańsko-tureckie dynamicznie rozwijają się. W 2010 r. Turcja wraz z Brazylią zaproponowały plan rozwiązania irańskiego kryzysu nuklearnego. Mimo, że plan z różnych względów nie powiódł się, stanowił jednak przykład, że Turcja może odegrać jeszcze istotną rolę w negocjacjach z Iranem.
This study aims to analyse the perceptions of Russia in Turkey and Poland comparatively. It examines how Russia is perceived by the public in both countries and at various policy levels. In addition, the similarities and differences in Polish and Turkish policymaking and outcomes in terms of the “Russian factor” will be analysed. As Russia has been one of the most important external factors in Turkey’s and Poland’s foreign policy, it is especially difficult to analyse foreign policy issues without taking the Russian factor into account. Historically and politically, Russia has been at the top of threat perceptions in both countries. On the other hand, in focusing on policy outcomes with regards to geopolitics and balance of power, it is obvious that Russia is always in the picture as a factor, as a partner or a threat. In this context, the background of the perception of Russia in these countries’ societies and in their politics will be evaluated first. Then, the similarities, differences and sources of these perspectives will be analysed.
The text is an attempt to present the democratization’s process of the Republic of Turkey. The Republic was proclaimed in 1923. In the introduction the authors recalled an earlier period, namely the second half of XIXth century, when in the Ottoman Empire had occured the ideas of constitutional order (1876). The Empire had been looking for ways and means to join the modern world following earlier examples of European monarchies.The next period- the fi rst half of XXth century – was marked by the Republic of Turkey.There are striking similarities between emerging the Republic of Turkey and the Second Polish Republic. The emergences not only took place at the same time but also had been driven by similar factors and processes. In the both cases countries were led by great personalities, who had not belonged to the core nations, which they headed to democracy. The both leaders had to face powers willing to destroy young democracies and unfriendly attitudes of the Western powers.They both also „miraculously” saved their countries when enemies’ troops were close to the capitals. After the World War II our ways to democracy were different. Today, however, we can see that the ways led in the same direction and theywere infl uenced by similar circumstances. Perhaps these circumstances have caused that the political developments in both countries are almost identical. 1. The both above mentioned leaders at the beginning of the last century made coup d’etat by military force. 2. In Poland, after WWII politicians had been under the supervision of „brotherly neighbor”. In Turkey the supervision was performed by the military. Perhaps it created longing for a new leader. 3. In both countries the roles of religion and its institutions were marginalized. Perhaps this stimulated desire for a chief motivated by the faith. Perhaps it is not a coincidence that both Poland and Turkey are looked upon by the West as countries leading in democratic transformations in their respective regions, which for obscure reasons have started to move towards an authoritarian rule. In both cases foreign observers talk about the lack of understanding of the essence of democracy, which is a consensus by the societies as well as by the ruling elites. In each state power is exercised by a single party of chieftain character and the permanent expansion of power at the expence of democratic institutions has been justified as the will of nation as a whole.
A large chunk of the “energy security” debate has dealt with problems of access to resources and, most recently, the degradation of ecosystems as a direct result of the socio-economic activities of humans; less focus has been on the sources of security/insecurity perceptions and misperceptions and ways to explain them. This article seeks to evaluate the origins and practices of energy security perceptions in Poland and Turkey, and within their respective regional contexts—Central and Eastern Europe and the Wider Black Sea Region. With the global energy security paradigm now encapsulating the rise of new powers, epitomised by BRICS, developments at the regional level have been playing profound roles, grouping states around key regional actors. Drawing on case study material, the evaluation serves the purpose of assessing possible axes of convergence and divergence between the two regions represented by the two countries.
The article focuses on the potential for Turkish–Polish cooperation on defining and countering international terrorism with reference to how the security and defence interests of both countries converge in terms of their strategic partnership at the EU Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) and NATO levels and how this convergence might trigger the next phase of bilateral partnership under the umbrella of the International Criminal Court (ICC). First, the current state of the international crime of terrorism in relation to the ICC will be explored; second, Turkey’s attempts to incorporate terrorism into the ICC framework will be discussed; third, the role of Poland as a member of both the EU and NATO will be outlined; and finally, the potential cooperation between Turkey and Poland on defining international terrorism will be discussed. It argues that Poland, a state party to the ICC, can encourage Turkey’s ratification of the Rome Statute by fostering a dialogue on the untapped potential of defining and countering terrorism through the mechanisms and processes of international criminal law institutionalised in the ICC.
An unsuccessful military coup d’etat took place in Turkey in 2016. The government in Ankara recognized a representatives of Hizmet Movement guilty of carrying it out. In retaliation they has begun actions to bring them to the court and at the same time criminalize an activity of their organization in Turkey. Ankara government demanded also the limitation of the functioning Hizmet supporters abroad. On the other hand, the key is the fact, that all the activities of Hizmet Movements all around the world has been a part of Turkish public diplomacy. So the ban of an activities of the organization abroad would affect both the Hizmet Movement and Turkish state. The article contains an explanations of the origin of the Hizmet Movement and it forms of activities, especially in Poland. There are also pointed out the possible consequences that the government in Ankara may face in the field of public diplomacy underestimating the role of this non-governmental organization which also had shaped the image of Turkey.
The main aim of this article is to show how the Cyprus dispute affected the preparations and achievements of the Republic of Cyprus’s Presidency of the Council of the EU, and to present its implications with respect to the relations between Turkey and the European Union. The author discusses the essence of the Cyprus dispute, namely the occupation of the northern part of the island by Turkish armed forces. Further, he describes the influence of Cyprus’s integration with the EU on the EU–Turkey relations in the pre-Presidency period. The main part of the article focuses on the Cypriot Presidency, during which Cyprus did not entangle the other Member States in the problems of the divided island, but acted in the best interest of the entire EU. The reaction of the Turkish government, which boycotted the Presidency of the Republic of Cyprus, is also characterised.
The text highlights features of Turkish policy towards the Balkans and areas of possible cooperation with Poland. Ankara is pursuing an independent policy of deepening it is so-called strategic depth, i.e., policies towards its immediate neighbourhood, including the Southern Caucasus, Middle East, North Africa and the Balkans. Poland, on the other hand, is relying on Euro-Atlantic structures and focusing on securing its eastern flank, which as the 2014 crisis in Ukraine illustrates is far from stabilisation. Warsaw’s foreign policy priorities and Ankara’s vision of Turkey’s international role diverge, leaving little space for pointing at specific forms of cooperation on a larger scale. Nevertheless, both countries share similar strategic goals, enabling us to highlight potential areas for further collaboration—namely society, security and economy—that could pave the way for partnership.
Background: It is necessary that physicians, nurses, other health professionals and even medical students and students of nursing and midwifery schools abstain from smoking. Those who are already smokers should quit or make sure that patients are not around when smoking. Purpose: This study aims to examine the substance abuse among nurses, the substances that they mostly abuse and affecting factors in light of previous studies conducted in Turkey. Method: Systematic literature review. Results: Studies conducted in Turkey show that smoking rate among nurses varies between 42.3% to 68.6%, while quit rate varies between 6% to 12.7%. Unfortunately, these results are quite high. Being a widow/widower, having divorced, presence of a mental problem requiring treatment, and being a high school graduate increase the likelihood of smoking. Nurses with a university degree start smoking at the age of 21 or above. The leading reason for smoking is social environment and friends, followed by stress/boredom and pretension/enjoyment. Conclusion: Organizing educational programs and campaigns for all nurses, especially for the students of nursing and health vocational schools, which focus on the negative effects of smoking and quitting, and making changes in the curricula of health-related programs so that students get familiar with the topic as early as in the first year of their education, would make the fight against substance abuse more effective
Housing sector have an important size in economic activities of Turkey. This sector could absorb an important size of skilled and unskilled unemployed. Furthermore, decreasing rents would cause an increase in household savings because of lightening their basic expenditures. Therefore, having knowledge about the dynamics of housing prices is very crucial for economic policymakers. In this paper, the dynamics between house prices and macroeconomic variables including inflation, interest rate, unemployment and real domestic product are studied. Despite the well-known fact that macroeconomic variables possess asymmetric and nonlinear features, many studies about the dynamics of housing prices has been tested only within a linear framework. Therefore, in this paper non-linear autoregressive distributed lag (NARDL) model is used to explore asymmetrical relations in the long-run. Despite to most researches in this field, the effect of interest rate found with a negative sign. Negative effect of both nominal interest rate and inflation on housing prices alongside of greater impact of inflation in comparison with nominal interest rate, would cause the long-run coefficient of real interest rate be positive. Forethought can explain of the positive relation of the unemployment rate and housing prices.
The ongoing EU–Turkey accession negotiations are probably the most complex talks related to the enlargement process in the EU’s history. Although they were initiated in 2005, so far both sides have managed to provisionally close only one out of 35 negotiation chapters. What’s more, the bilateral relations between the EU and Turkey are growing more and more tense. The most recent developments only prove that the talks may grind to a halt. It seems that both sides are tired of the endless negotiations and unexpected events, like the 2016 coup d’état in Turkey. The main aim of this article is to analyse the current political developments related to EU–Turkey negotiations in detail and find answers to two research questions. Will Turkey and the European Union face a diplomatic failure? What are the potential short-term scenarios?
In the first decade of the twenty-first century, Turkey strengthened its international position in the region, implementing a policy of ‘zero problems with neighbours’. Strengthening the country’s position in international rela-tions meant that Turkish politicians have fallen into self-admiration, classifying their state as a kind of regional power and hoping that they can impose a vision of building a new political structure in the region. Prime Minister Erdoğan, however, broke the principle of ‘zero problems’ and his international activities have embroiled Turkey in many international problems, as a result of which the country has fallen into isolation. The government in Ankara is in conflict or has bad relations with: Egypt, Syria, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Armenia, and Cyprus. This article presents the most important international problems of Turkey with its selected neighbours – Greece, Cyprus and Armenia.
Purpose - The CRM sector represents the quality of a company. The quality of a company might be evaluated by taking the services of a call center as a measure by the customers, because CRM is the most interactive point of the operations of all companies. Call centers represent companies with 24/7 service. Companies have to search for ways to increase the quality of their service and CRM. Call center companies started to move to Anatolia in response to government incentives. The purpose of this study was to examine the results of this change. Design/methodology/approach - Bank call centers in large cities and Anatolian bank call centers are compared. SERVQUAL is used to compare the service quality of the call centers. 100 questionnaires are used to evaluate the services of the bank call centers and 100 customers are interviewed. The banks with Anatolian call centers and the banks without Anatolian call centers are compared to each other by using the results of the interviews and questionnaires. Findings - The service quality of the call center of the banks with Anatolian call centers seems to be higher than those without them. Practical implications - The reason for the better performance of Anatolian bank call centers can be explained by using some observations. These reasons can be taken into account by CRM companies to provide better service. Originality/value - This paper is proof of that CRM agents are affected by stress factors and their environment. Therefore, stress levels have to be decreased for employees for better service. Selecting a good location is the most important step in diminishing stress levels.
This article discusses the prospects and challenges of energy cooperation between the European Union (EU) and Turkey within the context of the Eastern Partnership (EaP). Part of the EaP agenda is to advance energy cooperation between the EU and the partner states, particularly regarding the diversification of import routes. As an energy corridor between the EU and the hydrocarbon-rich Caspian states, Turkey is a strategic asset for European energy security. Turkey also has economic ties and political capital in the Caspian region that can help the EU reach out to its eastern partners. Despite robust incentives for cooperation, however, the EU-Turkey energy partnership has so far failed to meet mutual expectations. This article argues that this is primarily due to the inability of the two actors to credibly commit to regional energy cooperation. Commitment problem stems from two factors. First, the predominance of national energy interests over communal ones undermines credible commitment. The variation in energy needs of Member States prevents the EU from acting in unison in external energy policy. Similarly, Turkey also prioritizes its own energy security, particularly in its relations with suppliers, which undermines cooperation with the EU. Second, the EU and Turkey hold divergent perspectives on the potential political payoffs of energy cooperation. Turkish decision makers are convinced that energy cooperation warrants palpable progress in Turkey’s accession while most EU actors appear hesitant to establish a direct connection between energy and accession.
This study aims to assess Turkey's position relative to European countries with respect to the optimum currency areas (OCA) criteria, taking Germany as the center country and employing Mahalanobis distance as a similarity measure. To this end, we followed a novel approach in the application of Hodrick-Prescott and Baxter-King filters to the industrial production series and the real interest rates under three cases. We then computed OCA similarity indices, calculated countries' similarities with respect to Germany and their nearest neighbors, and compared the results. Our results show that Turkey is the second furthest neighbor country to Germany after Croatia in the first two cases. However, Turkey is the third furthest country to Germany after Norway and Romania in the third case
This article examines the history of Kurdish language repression in Turkey and argues that bilingual education for Kurdish children will ultimately benefit both Turks and Kurds. Research shows that bilingual education tends to create empathy between the children of conflicting groups. This is particularly intriguing in the situation of Hebrew-Arabic bilingual schools in Israel, since the situation of Arab Israelis is in many ways comparable to that of Turkish Kurds.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14760
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