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1

The Prospects for U.S. Trade Policy under the Trump Administration

100%
Wąsiński M., Słomińska B.
The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs
|
2017
|
issue 1
85-100
EN
A reform of U.S. trade policy was among the priorities of Donald Trump’s campaign. Guidelines of the new policy developed by Secretary of Commerce Wilbur Ross and Peter Navarro, head of the National Trade Council, were then included in the Presidential Trade Agenda for 2017. A lower trade deficit is a key target seen by the new administration as a prerequisite for boosting economic growth. Duties and taxes are to be introduced to countervail unfair practices, which are among the sources of the deficit. The new administration’s preference for bilateral rather than multilateral agreements is reiterated. Keeping with his campaign promises, Trump has signed executive orders to withdraw the U.S. from Trans-Pacific Partnership and to renegotiate the North American Free Trade Agreement.
2
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Konstytucyjność stosowania taktyki filibuster i „opcji nuklearnej” w Senacie USA

100%
Litwin T.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
|
2010
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issue 1(13)
319-343
EN
The term “nuclear option” should be defined as rejection of the obstructive tactics of delaying debate (filibuster) in the U. S. Senate and activities which lead to decisions on any matter by the simple majority voting. Most recently, discussion between the supporters of the nuclear option and the supporters of filibustering was held in 2005 on the occasion of democratic minority filibuster of G.W. Bush judicial nominees to the Supreme Court supported by republican majority. The author briefly presents the history of filibuster and nuclear option, strictly linked together. Next, he describes the present regulations concerning the adoption of cloture motion which limits the use of filibuster and the consequences of the adoption of the motion. In the main part of the article, the author analyses the constitutionality of the filibuster and nuclear option in the U. S. Senate concluding that constitutionality of the filibuster is questionable. Finally, the author considers how the Senate should act in case of unconstitutionality of filibuster and how to preserve some its positive aspects in the procedure of judicial nominations of the Supreme Court judges.
3
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Primum non nocere? Rola kandydata na wiceprezydenta USA w prezydenckiej kampanii wyborczej

100%
Turek M.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
|
2010
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issue 1(13)
267-289
EN
When more than a century ago Theodore Roosevelt was first vice presidential candidate to campaign actively for his ticket, it was more of his individual initiative than established tradition. But with the increasing power and prestige of the American vice presidency, which has changed the position of the executive branch in relation to Congress, and has reduced the role of parties in the electoral process, now means that running mates have become important members of presidential organization. They have crucial duties to perform during the campaign. The aim of the paper is to analyze these duties, and present the ways in which a vice presidential candidate can strengthen the standard bearer, and the ticket itself.
4
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Vietnam Game Between USA and China

88%
Pietrasiak M.
International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal
|
2018
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vol. 22
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issue 1
51-64
EN
Vietnam tries to respond to changing international situations, while attempting to stay in accordance with its own ambitions. China and the USA, the two superpowers, are the most important partners of Vietnamese strategy, which is determined by these two countries. The most important economic partner and ideological ally is China. But both sides have some serious problems to resolve such as maritime disputes. The situation imposes the need to seek counterbalance, a reliable ally who provides protection for its own interests. So Vietnam looks to balance improved relations with China while seeking deeper and multidimensional relations with the USA. The United States offers many advantages that are attractive to Vietnam. Inevitably, economic ties and new projects e.g. TPP, political, cultural and scientific cooperation make up these advantages. However, the United States can only provide support for the Spratly and Paracel Islands’ dispute and improving cooperative measures in the South China Sea with the presence of U.S. naval vessels and dialogue that assists Vietnam defense. Vietnam has again become an element in the American strategy of pivoting to Asia.
5

TTIP’s Monetary Clause Muddle

75%
Żukrowska K., Dunin-Wąsowicz M.
The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs
|
2015
|
issue 3
107-118
EN
We argue that TTIP negotiations, which are focused on improving conditions for mutual trade and investments between the U.S. and the EU, have overlooked the issue of the influence of monetary and exchange rate policies of both sides on the potential results of a prospective agreement. Thus we demonstrate that the agreement should have been supplemented by a monetary clause (MC) in order to avoid a possible mismatch between U.S. and EU currencies. Such a clause, and no other possible currency related legal instruments, should be broad, and aim to regulate the bond between the dollar and the euro. It can work as a convenient springboard to invigorate the multilateral trade system via the institutional nexus of the IMF, WTO, OECD or G-20. The clause can make the agreement as important for strategic relations between the U.S. and the EU as the Treaty of Rome was for the rise of European integration.
6
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Pogranicze amerykańsko-meksykańskie i wielopłaszczyznowy problem korupcji

63%
Kotasińska A.
Border and Regional Studies
|
2016
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vol. 4
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issue 2
215-228
PL
Pogranicze amerykańsko-meksykańskie jest nieodzownie kojarzone z przestępczością zorganizowaną, handlem narkotykami oraz nielegalnymi migracjami ludności z Ameryki Centralnej do USA. Korupcja stanowi czynnik od lat ułatwiający funkcjonowanie tych procederów, obecna wśród lokalnych władz, podmiotów gospodarczych czy instytucji stojących na straży prawa. Artykuł traktuje o tym, w jaki sposób współcześnie kształtuje się korupcja na terenie pogranicza amerykańsko-meksykańskiego oraz poprzez jakie działania się objawia. Autorka koncentruje się w szczególności na analizie skorumpowanych organów ścigania odpowiedzialnych za utrzymywanie bezpieczeństwa wzdłuż granicy USA-Meksyk, a także wskazuje na zakorzenienie korupcji w kulturze pogranicza i świadomości jego mieszkańców.
EN
The United States-Mexico Borderlands are indispensably associated with organized crime, drug trafficking and illegal migration from Central America to the U.S. Corruption is a factor facilitating functioning of these activities from many years, prevalent among local authorities, companies or law enforcement bodies. This paper is concerned with the way corruption maintains nowadays at the United States-Mexico Borderlands, and through which activities it reveals. The author especially focuses on the analysis of the corruption of law enforcement bodies responsible for maintaining security along the U.SMexico border, and emphasizes inveteracy of corruption in borderland culture and in awareness of its inhabitants.
7
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Koniec przywilejów. Nowa fala emigracji kubańskiej do Stanów Zjednoczonych

51%
BARTNIK A.
Ameryka Łacińska. Kwartalnik analityczno-informacyjny
|
2017
|
issue 2(92)
57-71
PL
W 2014 roku doszło do zapoczątkowania ocieplania relacji pomiędzy Waszyngtonem a Hawaną. W kolejnym roku otwarto amerykańską Ambasadę na Kubie i po 70 latach nieobecności pojawił się tam z wizytą amerykański sekretarz stanu. Zmiany w polityce zagranicznej obu państw zaowocowały wzmożoną migracją Kubańczyków do USA. Począwszy od zapowiedzi o normalizacji stosunków w 2014 roku, zaczęła narastać liczba Kubańczyków obawiających się, że USA zmienią swą dotychczasową politykę przywilejów wobec kubańskich uchodźców. Administracja amerykańska próbując uniknąć kolejnego exodusu z wyspy zapewniała wówczas, że zmian w polityce imigracyjnej nie będzie. W styczniu 2017 roku prezydent Obama ogłosił, że USA kładą kres polityce wet foot, dry foot, która oznaczała dotąd, że Kubańczyk zatrzymany na morzu był zawracany na wyspę, a ten któremu udało się stopą dotknąć amerykańskiego brzegu otrzymywał prawo pobytu w USA. W prezentowanym artykule poruszone zostały problemy współczesnej fali uchodźczej z Kuby do USA wpisane w kontekst historyczny.
EN
In 2014 presidents Barack Obama and Raul Castro declared changes in mutual relations between the USA and Cuba. The following year American Embassy in Havana was opened and for the first time for 70 years American Secretary of State visited the island. At the same time the number of Cubans fleeing to the United States started to grow. Cubans were afraid that their privileged status under American immigration law could soon disappear. American administration declared no changes in the United States policy toward Cuban refugees, probably because it was afraid of starting a stampede. In January 2017, however, president Barack Obama declared the end of “the wet foot, dry foot policy” that granted refugee status to each Cuban who reached US shores. Cubans intercepted at sea were returned to Cuba. The article shows contemporary situation of Cuban refugees fleeing the island as well as the historic background of the problem
8
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POWOLNA NORMALIZACJA RELACJI STANÓW ZJEDNOCZONYCH Z KUBĄ

45%
GWIAZDA A.
Ameryka Łacińska. Kwartalnik analityczno-informacyjny
|
2017
|
issue 1(91)
65-78
PL
Stosunki polityczno-gospodarcze Stanów Zjednoczonych z Kubą były w okresie ostatnich pięćdziesięciu lat zamrożone. Dopiero w grudniu 2014 roku zostały nawiązane stosunki dyplomatyczne pomiędzy ymi państwami. Był to jeden z nielicznych sukcesów w polityce zagranicznej prezydenta Baracka Obamy, który w marcu 2015 roku złożył wizytę w Hawanie. Wizyta ta oznaczała w praktyce koniec izolacji Kuby, ale nie doprowadziła do pełnej normalizacji stosunków polityczno- gospodarczych ani do zniesienia embarga handlowego nałożonego przez USA na Kubę w 1962 roku. Będzie to możliwe dopiero wtedy, kiedy władze Kuby spełnią wymogi ustawy Helmsa- Burtona i wypłacą odszkodowania za znacjonalizowane mienie firm amerykańskich oraz znacznie zliberalizują obecny system polityczno-gospodarczy. Być może po śmierci Fidela Castro i „śmierci fidelizmu” dojdzie do przyśpieszenia transformacji polityczno-gospodarczej na Kubie oraz pełnej normalizacji stosunków ze Stanami Zjednoczonymi. Normalizacja ta zależeć będzie także w dużym stopniu od polityki prezydenta Donalda Trumpa wobec Kuby, który w trakcie kampanii prezydenckiej domagał się „lepszej umowy” zarówno dla samych Kubańczyków, jak i dla Stanów Zjednoczonych.
EN
The political and economic relations of the United States with Cuba have been during the recent more than 50 years “frozen”. Only in December 2014 the diplomatic relations between those two states were restored. It was one of the rare successes in the foreign policy of the president Barack Obama, who in March 2015 paid an official visit in Havana. That visit has brought about in practice the end of Cuba, isolation, but has not led to the full normalization of the political and economic relations and raising the trade embargo. That embargo was laid on Cuba the United States in 1962 and can be eliminated (removed) only by the Congress when the Cuban government will meet the requirements of the Helms- Burton law and pay the compensation for the nationalized property of the American companies and significantly change the existing political and economic system. After the death of Fidel Castro and his ideology “fidelism” the political and economic transformation of Cuba may be accelerated, which can lead to the full normalization of relations with the U.S. That normalization will, however, depend in the near future on the president Donald Trump foreign policy towards Cuba, who during his presidential campaign demanded “a better deal” both for the Cuban citizens as well as for the United States.
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