Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Refine search results

Journals help
Years help
Authors help

Results found: 48

first rewind previous Page / 3 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  UN
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 3 next fast forward last
EN
The article reviews the UN contribution to contemporary thinking on a number of international problems. It examines the emerging new global threats and concludes that effective multilateralism and reformed United Nations continue to be an important instrument in facing these new challenges.
EN
This article discusses the language policies of the European Union and the United Nations. The author has raised two main research questions, which are reflected in the aims of the article. The two principal aims are to demonstrate that the language policies of the EU and the UN are multilingualism policies as well as to present their corresponding and divergent elements based on their assumptions and objectives. At the beginning, the author presents the concepts of language policy and multilingualism, and then analyses all aspects of multilingualism in the EU and UN contexts. The author extensively presents the legal framework of multilingualism, its policies and the role of Member States in the promotion of multilingualism in both organisations. The final part of the article is devoted to a comparison of the two presented systems.
EN
The article analyses the selection criteria and key characteristics of electoral campaigns of states aspiring to a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council. The campaigns today are significantly different than in the past, as they cannot simply be run via traditional diplomatic club negotiations between diplomats in New York. Representation on this key UN body entails a much more strategic approach from the state, use of public diplomacy, intense lobbying and substantial resources planned and spent years in advance. If a candidate does not have a “clean slate” from his regional grouping, however, the final result remains unpredictable and rests on a number of interrelated factors, “equal geographical distribution” being among the most important.
EN
Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) is an instrument of environmental governance that ensures that the environmental implications of decisions are taken into account before the decisions are made. As such, environmental impact assessment constitutes the legal response to risk management needs and an integral component of sound decision making. However, a series of recent investment treaty claims have questioned the methodology, i.e. the way of conducting EIA. This article critically assesses this recent jurisprudence, and questions whether, instead of representing a cause for dispute, EIA can constitute an effective dispute prevention mechanism. If so, this article shall investigate the way this integration can take place, with reference to the World Bank's practice.
5
51%
EN
The scope and intensity of international interventionism in the case of East Timor were unusual in every respect. The successive UN peacekeeping operations established in this country wielded unprecedentedly wide powers. The International Force for East Timor (Interfet) was authorized to „use any means necessary to restore peace and security in East Timor". The United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) became in fact a regular government wielding absolute administrative and judiciary power over the country and enjoying the right to conclude legally binding international treaties with other states and international organiza¬tions (including the UN itself). This rather spectacular instance of international interventio-nism ended, however, in an outright failure. No lasting internal peace was instituted, the process of national reconciliation brought negligible results and the tribal animosities which were aroused in the newly created Timorese army brought the country to the verge of anarchy. It was only when Australia, being itself a major regional power and a key sponsor of the East Timor independence cause, decided to act independently of the UN institutions that the country's definite collapse could be successfully prevented. The reasons for the ineffectiveness of the international inte-rventionism in East Timor seem to stem from the East Timorese distinct political culture, whose tenets include preserving strict so¬cial hierarchy, uncompromising elitism and the paramount impor¬tance of kinship relationships. This kind of socio-cultural value set by no means could be reconciled with the Western standards of competitive liberal democracy and consensual decision-making that were to be promoted by the peacekeeping operations in East Timor.
EN
In order to establish the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court two prerequisites need to be met: substantive and legal. First, there must be a crime conducted within the jurisdiction of the ICC. Second, there must be a triggering mechanism that will initiate a criminal procedure before the Court. The ICC's Statute provides three triggering mechanisms. First, a criminal procedure can be launched by the Prosecutor of the ICC when a situation in which one or more crimes described in the ICC's Statute appear to have been committed is referred to the Prosecutor by a State party. Second, such a situation can be referred to the Prosecutor by the UN Security Council, acting under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. Third, the Prosecutor may act on his own initiative (proprio motu) on the basis of information on crimes within the jurisdiction of the Court, received from any source. This article discusses in detail these three mechanisms, concentrating in particular on the second option. In this context, it defines the position of the ICC in the international security system.
EN
Unijne i natowskie mechanizmy reagowania na katastrofy Celem tego artykułu jest określenie, analiza i ocena roli UE i NATO w międzynarodowych operacjach reagowania na katastrofy. W artykule przyjęto szerokie podejście i omówiono mechanizmy, które mogłyby mieć zastosowanie do tak zwanych klęsk żywiołowych i katastrof spowodowanych przez człowieka. Rozważa się w nim instrumenty, które mogą przyczynić się do realizacji praw osób dotkniętych klęskami żywiołowymi w Europie i poza nią. Wykorzystanie zdolności NATO do reagowania na katastrofy przyciągnęło dotychczas ograniczoną uwagę w literaturze naukowej. Główna hipoteza przewiduje, że NATO zapewnia wartość dodaną w międzynarodowym reagowaniu na katastrofy w odniesieniu do działań ONZ i UE. NATO ze swoim wymiarem transatlantyckim i potencjałem wojskowym jest w stanie pomóc, gdy poszkodowany kraj, sąsiedzi i/lub inne organizacje międzynarodowe nie są w stanie poradzić sobie z potencjalnymi negatywnymi skutkami katastrof naturalnych lub spowodowanych przez człowieka. Przy czym działania UE i/lub NATO w zakresie reagowania w przypadku katastrof nie zastępują działań państw dotkniętych katastrofą, lecz stanowią uzupełnienie ich wysiłków w tym obszarze.
EN
Review of a book: Vesselin Popovski, Trudy Fraser (eds.), The Security Council as Global Legislator, Routledge, New York: 2014
EN
In the paper the author attempts to describe the issue of refugees as a very important problem in international law, a problem which generates profits e.g. a rise in human capital, as well as losses e.g. costs, for the countries involved. The balance depends on the policy of a given country, whether this country is able to capitalize on the human capital or whether it is only counting costs. Sometimes obligations resulting from international law are not sufficient to convince societies that accepting refugees is the right decision. The paper will focus on how, with appropriate legislative tools, the united world can help people who are in danger. The author will also pose a question whether enough is being done, or whether the scope and methods currently in use should be amended. The paper discusses the issue of refugees from the perspective of various organizations involved i.e. global institutions like UNHCR, European Union institutions, non-government organizations (NGOs) and contains a review of relevant legal acts such as the Treaty of Lisbon, the Geneva Convention etc. The author also touches upon the prac
EN
This article covers the influence of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution on international relations, in particular on the official position of the United States, Great Britain and France. It analyses the process of discussing “the Hungarian question” at the UN Security Council and at the emergency General Assembly session. The author emphasizes the significance of the activities of the special commission for investigating events in Hungary established by the UN General Assembly in autumn 1956, as well as the great merit of the Danish diplomat Bang Jensen in investigating and formulating the text of commission’s report, which covered the struggle of the Hungarian people for freedom.
EN
The notions of culturalization of human rights law and the concept of right to culture are fairly new issues, arising from the changes in the area of application and understanding of international law as well as from the signs of growing sensitivity to the sphere of culture, but also the need to take into account the broad cultural context. As a result of these changes international bodies, courts and institutions pay more attention to the role of culture in human rights. Based on this process, we can observe the emergence of the concept of the right to culture as one of the fundamental human rights. This article thus seeks to answer questions as to what the right to culture might be, how is understood, whether it is rooted in international law, and how it might be being given effect to. Considering that this is a very broad and multifaceted issue, the goals here have been limited to a very general indication of the key issues related to the emerging concept of the right to culture. Hence, due to the current debate the article’s aims it to highlight the foundation of the right to culture, give overview how the right might be perceived and where we can find elements constituting the right to culture (here e.g. international bodies judgments).
EN
The main purpose of the article is to analyze humanitarian aid provided by the European Union and the United Nations. The research includes a review of existing documents, reports, and studies on world humanitarian assistance. The main issues and findings analyzed in this study are the evolution of the humanitarian assistance provided by the European Union and the United Nations and the role of the European Community Humanitarian Aid Office – ECHO and the Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs - OCHA – as units responsible for organization and financial issues. On the basis of the history and key events, the finances, and significant projects in the field of humanitarian aid implemented by the EU and the UN are presented. Finally, the authors attempt to assess the effectiveness of assistance.
EN
The subject of the Holy See and the problems of the United Nations during the course of John Paul II’s pontificate is quite broad. It involves the period of twenty years which were rich in many events and political and social changes around the whole world. In this period the Holy See maintained its presence in the international community with the status of an observer at the forum of the UN. The diplomatic representation of the Holy See in the UN is based on the social teaching of the Church. John Paul II conceived of this teaching as a great system of concentric circles: a system whose first element is the human person and the final one – the globalized world. Due to this fact, the Catholic social teaching elaborated the concept of the principle of auxiliarity as an antidote for the period of dictatorships and regimes. The other foundation of human safety is the principle of solidarity. This principle was a peculiar feature of John Paul II who lived thirty years of his life in a country ruled by a communist regime. He was chosen as the pope in an extraordinary moment of history when international security was a much‑discussed subject. The UN and the international community saw the foundations of this security in the principle of collaboration and non‑interference, and John Paul II contributed to the elaboration of this concept by emphasizing the security of the individual and of the society. In 1969 the Vatican accepted an invitation from the countries of the Warsaw Pact to take part in the Helsinki Conference. The main concept of this conference was straightforward – security consists in the balance of power. The Holy See had a different concept of security, one that emphasized instead the common good of the community, the community to which the usage of force always brings destruction. These activities later influenced humanitarian actions, vigorously supported by the Vatican. John Paul II’s contribution to the contemplation of human rights is immense. He was true to his belief about the existence of such values and rules that are not negotiable. Their range and applicability cannot depend upon the will of the majority or pressure groups. The Holy See maintains clear and precise concept of the human person who may never be divorced from transcendence – from God. According to John Paul II and the Vatican the human person was and continues to be the point of reference expressed in views and actions, visible in diplomacy. The clear concept of man is maintained in order to facilitate an answer to the question where we come from and where we are headed.
EN
The following paper indicates that in every political system different groups cooperate and connect with each other in order to influence the public policy and to strive towards their goals. Many European groups that are active on the European Union level represent different sectors of industry – most of their members are national representatives, including federations, associations or corporations united in supranational organizations. Pressure groups which are active on European level are defined as politically independent organizations which try to influence the political sphere, but contrary to political parties to not strive towards claiming the power. The transnational corporations possess the power which is connected with economy, technics and knowledge. What is more, they control more than one third of global resources, thus influencing the political decisions and development directions of many states. Another crucial issue connected with widely understood world of business is the erosion of ethical standards in this circles.
EN
Recently, we have been celebrating the twentieth anniversary of the appointment of High Commissioner for the Promotion and Protection of All Human Rights by the General Assembly of the United Nations. From this perspective, one may attempt to evaluate the previous activities of the High Commissioner and his Office as far as the protection of all human rights is concerned. Inter alia, this publication serves this purpose. It will also provide us with the answers to such questions as: in which way and in what circumstances this institution was established, what aims were set and what tasks were assigned to it, what powers were conferred on it and finally what competences it was given to fulfill its aims. Since it is possibly the first such publication in Polish which is related to this subject area, it was mainly used to present the institution of the High Commissioner without going into any further considerations. Monographic method was used in the preparation of this elaboration.
PL
Niedawno obchodzona była 20. rocznica powołania przez Zgromadzenie Ogólne ONZ instytucji Wysokiego Komisarza do spraw Promocji i Ochrony Praw Człowieka. Z tej perspektywy można poczynić już próbę ewaluacji dotychczasowej działalności Wysokiego Komisarza i jego Urzędu w obszarze ochrony ludzkich praw. Między innymi temu ma służyć niniejsza publikacja. Odpowie ona również na pytania, w jaki sposób i w jakich okolicznościach doszło do powołania tej instytucji, jakie cele i zadania zostały przed nią postawione, jakie prerogatywy zostały jej przyznane dla osiągnięcia celów oraz w jakie kompetencje została wyposażona dla wypełniania swych zadań. Z uwagi na fakt, że jest to bodaj pierwsza publikacja w języku polskim dotycząca tego zakresu tematycznego, służy ona wykorzystaniu głównie do przybliżenia instytucji Wysokiego Komisarza Praw Człowieka, bez wdawania się w bardziej szczegółowe rozważania. W przygotowaniu niniejszego opracowania została wykorzystana metoda monograficzna. 
EN
This materials provides a commented printing of a previously unpublished secret report by ČSSR Minister for Foreign Affairs during the Prague Spring period of 1968, Jiří S Hájek, who prepared it for the needs of the ministry heads (and also party circles) following his return to Prague from his dramatic trip to New York and Geneva after the occupation of Czechoslovakia by the armies of the Warsaw Pact. When the invasion occurred on 21 August, Hájek was in Yugoslavia on a holiday, as were three other members of O Černík’s government. Following the occupation, and also thanks to the anti-occupation stance of the Central Committee and most of the Prague government, he travelled via Vienna to New York where the UN Security Council had been convened. Here, as early as 21 August, the ČSSR’s provisional delegate to the UN, J Mužík, had spoken out against the occupation. Upon his arrival in New York on 24 August, Minister Hájek supported this stance, thus significantly helping to dismantle the Soviet lies that it was the Czechoslovak government which had invited the armies of the Warsaw Pact to its country. At the same time, however, he stressed that the ČSSR would remain an ally of the USSR. In subsequent days, Hájek no longer pursued further discussions of the Czechoslovak cause in the Council; on the contrary, in the spirit of the instructions of President L Svoboda (who was at the time holding negotiations with Brezhnev on dealing with the crisis further) he left New York and travelled to Geneva for UN negotiations on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. From there, he returned to Prague at the beginning of September.
Afryka
|
2014
|
issue 39
42-58
EN
Since 2008 Eritrea has been considered a pariah state, accused of supporting terrorism and destabilising the region. There are many indicators that this position may soon change. High costs of keeping the tension with Ethiopia alive, a new political and economic context in the region and a relative openness of the neighbouring countries suggest a reset in Asmara’s external relations could materialise soon. It remains unknown whether the regime itself, facing increasing pressure from within, could survive such turn.
EN
The adoption of a binding international treaty on the rights of the child is presented by practitioners and researchers as a “revolution”, marking the transition from the legal status of the child as a subject of the right, to a full actor of rights protection. For the fundamental rights of the child not to remain merely theoretical, but to become concrete and meaningful, it is important to provide them with effective judicial protection. This issue is more than ever topical, with the adoption by the United Nations General Assembly of the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child establishing a procedure for the submission of communications, which entered into force on 14 April 2014. This new Optional Protocol gives children the right to appeal to the Committee on the Rights of the Child when the rights protected by the Convention and its firsttwo protocols are violated. The purpose of this brief study is to analyze the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (African Charter), adopted in 1990, which is the firstregional legal text for children specificallyand as such unique, since no other region in the world has so far developed such a protection mechanism.
EN
The article presents the operation “Khukri” – an offensive military action conducted by UN forces operating in Sierra Leone. It took place during the UNAMSIL “peace building” mission. The operation was multinational, but India provided majority of troops and was also responsible for most of the tasks attached to planning, training and logistic support. The operation evaluation from the international point of view can be treated as – in a military aspect – an effective response to the growing threat of own values by the local group, and in the political aspect – as a very interesting example of creating state’s prestige by an effective use of a military tool.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono operację „Khukri” – zwrot zaczepny przeprowadzony przez siły ONZ operujące w Sierra Leone w ramach misji UNAMSIL. Akcja miała charakter wielonarodowy, ale głównym kontrybutariuszem, odpowiedzialnym również za większość zadań planistycznych, szkoleniowych i logistycznych były Indie. Rozpatrywana przez pryzmat wysiłku narodowego operacja jawi się jako: w wymiarze wojskowym – skuteczna reakcja na wzrost zagrożenia sił własnych przez ugrupowanie miejscowe, w wymiarze politycznym – jako nader interesujący przykład budowy międzynarodowego znaczenia i prestiżu państwa poprzez efektywne posłużenie się instrumentem wojskowym. Indie od kilkudziesięciu lat z dużym zaangażowaniem, konsekwencją i determinacją budują pozycję początkowo regionalnego, a obecnie globalnego mocarstwa. Ważnym elementem owych wysiłków są starania podejmowane na płaszczyźnie militarnej. Nie chodzi tu wyłącznie o rozbudowę i techniczną modernizację sił zbrojnych, implementowanie adekwatnych do współczesnych wyzwań koncepcji taktycznych i operacyjnych oraz wykazanie skuteczności armii w realnych działaniach bojowych (z czym Indie problemów nie mają). Państwo aspirujące do rangi mocarstwa powinno się również wykazać umiejętnością wykorzystania sił zbrojnych w ramach rozmaitych przedsięwzięć podejmowanych przez społeczność międzynarodową, głównie przez Organizację Narodów Zjednoczonych, czyli de facto zademonstrować zdolność do tworzenia – przy użyciu instrumentów militarnych – pozytywnych wartości w relacjach  iędzynarodowych. Świadome tego India stosunkowo często wydzielają więc swoje wojska do udziału w operacjach realizowanych pod auspicjami ONZ. Niekiedy wiąże się to z koniecznością prowadzenia nie tylko działalności rozjemczej, a rzeczywistych działań bojowych. Tak było między innymi w Sierra Leone, gdzie Hindusi zmuszeni zostali do posłużenia się „argumentami siły”.
EN
Global security is directly dependend on ability of main relevant security actors to avoid regional or local crisis which might have high potential to escalate up to global level. While no single relevant security actor is able to achieve this aim unilaterally without potentialy negatively impacting security of other actors, international and/or regional organizations do try to fullfill this role of suppresing potential for increased security dilemas in geopolitical hotspots with consequent crisis development within more collaborative framework. Those organisations do develop approprate mechanisms to deal with crisis, while also build capabilities in solving potential crisis within its agreed mandates before they fully develop. In this paper we will focus on four relevant organizations UN, NATO, OSCE and EU which play important crisis management role within broader Euroasia. After initial introducion to theoretical backround on crisis development wi will focus on each above mentioned organizations and descibe its role in international crisis management. Afterwards we will continue with framing role which Slovak republic plays within those institutions with conluding remarks about its overal contribution to international crisis management within above selected organizations.
first rewind previous Page / 3 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.