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1
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Limits to Security Council Powers Under the UN Charter and Issues of Charter Interpretation

100%
Arcari M.
Polish Yearbook of International Law
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2012
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vol. 32
239-257
EN
This article deals with the interpretation of Security Council powers under the UN Charter, and analyses available interpretive options. The various approaches, inspired by the textual, teleological, “subsequent practice”, and “systemic” methods of interpretation, as well as the complementary means of interpretation supplied by the preparatory works of San Francisco Conference, are successively considered and their relative advantages and shortcomings comparatively assessed. The article argues that recourse to one or the other from among the available interpretive methods can be influenced in individual cases by political and judicial contingencies, and that as a whole the interpretation of Security Council powers under the Charter is an evolving process, the variations of which may depend on the changing needs of collective security and of the international legal order at large.
2
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Book review: Vesselin Popovski, Trudy Fraser (eds.), The Security Council as Global Legislator, Routledge, New York: 2014

88%
Krzan B.
Polish Yearbook of International Law
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2014
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vol. 34
309-312
EN
Review of a book: Vesselin Popovski, Trudy Fraser (eds.), The Security Council as Global Legislator, Routledge, New York: 2014
3

The International Court of Justice and the Legality of UN Security Council Resolutions

88%
Ušiak J., Saktorová Ľ.
DANUBE: Law and Economics Review
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2014
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vol. 5
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issue 3
201-212
EN
Through the United Nation’s Charter, the UN Security Council represents the most powerful executive institutional body in the field of collective security. Moreover, its ultra vires acts may have distinct legal consequences. Accordingly, questions arising from these facts are whether such a large scope of competences could be abused, what are the limits of the executed power and above all, affirmation of the legality of the actions of Council. Predominantly by means of the analytical method as well as a case study of the Lockerbie case, the present study provides the related argumentative discourse. Notwithstanding the fact that the decisions of the Council appear to be without any limitations, it is obliged to act within the purposes and principles of the UN Charter. The opinion of the International Court of Justice on the legality of the SC’s actions in the field of collective security are still, however, indirectly expressed through its general function.
4
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The doctrine of implied powers of international organizations in the case law of international tribunals

88%
Gadkowski A.
Adam Mickiewicz University Law Review
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2016
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vol. 6
45-59
EN
The aim of this article is to present the contribution of international tribunals to the development of the doctrine of implied powers of international organizations. The author discusses the case law and the position presented by the PCIJ and the ICJ regarding the powers of international organizations. He points to the basis for implication of powers of international organizations and the limitation of such implication and presents a noticeable evolution of the tribunals view on the issue of implied powers.
5
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Jak uzavřít platnou mírovou smlouvu pro Ukrajinu?

75%
Bruner T.
Právník. Teoretický časopis pro otázky státu a práva (The Lawyer - Scientific Review for Problems of State and Law)
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2024
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vol. 163
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issue 2
170-183
EN
According to the Vienna Convention on Law of Treaties, an international treaty is void, if its conclusion has been procured by the threat or use of force in violation of the principles of international law embodied in the UN Charter. The following article analyzes how to interpret this rule contained in art. 52 of the Vienna Convention in regard to a potential peace treaty concluded between Ukraine and Russia and ending the current conflict between them. The article tackles three different legal interpretations, how to accommodate such peace treaty with the art. 52 of the Vienna Convention. Firstly, the state damaged by the illegal use of force waives its right to claim the treaty void. Secondly, the art. 52 of the Vienna Convention, or the entire Vienna Convention, shall not be applicable on a peace treaty at all. Thirdly, the peace treaty shall be void, however the duties of the state-aggressor in it shall remain valid and unilaterally binding for the aggressor. The article argues in favor of a conclusion that none of these interpretations corresponds with currently valid international law. The condition resulting from the art. 52 of the Vienna Convention should be fulfilled if a valid peace treaty is to be concluded. The article emphasizes what are the factual circumstances that the international community must insist on and enforce for this purpose, otherwise the peace treaty could become a tool of military dictate of an agressor.
CS
Podle Vídeňské úmluvy o smluvním právu je nulitní každá mezistátní smlouva, jejíhož uzavření bylo dosaženo hrozbou síly nebo použitím síly za porušení zásad mezinárodního práva vyjádřených v Chartě OSN. Následující článek analyzuje, jak toto pravidlo obsažené v čl. 52 Vídeňské úmluvy interpretovat ve vztahu k eventuální mírové smlouvě Ukrajiny s Ruskem, jíž by mohl skončit současný ozbrojený konflikt mezi těmito státy. Článek rozebírá tři různé právní výklady, jak se při uzavírání mírové smlouvy postavit k čl. 52 Vídeňské úmluvy. Zaprvé, čl. 52 Vídeňské úmluvy potažmo celá Vídeňská úmluva se na mírové smlouvy vůbec neuplatní. Zadruhé, stát poškozený použitím síly se vzdá svého práva zpochybnit platnost mírové smlouvy. Zatřetí, mírová smlouva bude sice nulitní, avšak povinnosti státu-agresora v ní budou jednostranně platné a pro tento stát závazné. Článek obhajuje názor, že ani jeden z těchto výkladů nemá oporu v platném mezinárodním právu a podmínka vyplývající z čl. 52 Vídeňské úmluvy by měla být pro uzavření platné mírové smlouvy naplněna. Článek poukazuje na skutkové okolnosti, na kterých musí mezinárodní společenství za tímto účelem trvat a které by mělo vynutit, aby se mírová smlouva nestala neplatným nástrojem vojenského diktátu agresora.
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The Nicaragua Judgement and the Use of Force – 30 Years Later

63%
Kwiecień R.
Polish Yearbook of International Law
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2016
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vol. 36
21-36
EN
In light of contemporary circumstances, on the 30th anniversary of the Nicaragua judgement it is worth revisiting and considering again certain legal problems decided by – and raised by – the ICJ judgement. This article addresses the importance of the judgement in terms of international legal regulations on the use of force. First and foremost, the article examines the concept of armed attack based on the “gravity” criterion elaborated by the Court and the exercise of the right of self-defence. Moreover, the relationship between customary international law and treaty law, as well as forcible counter-measures and military actions against non-State actors are also discussed in the article. It is argued that the “gravity” criterion used by the ICJ seems controversial and, consequently, may limit the right of self-defence. On the other hand, however, the judgement established a strong barrier to the realization of individual political interests by militarily powerful States. This is the Nicaragua judgement’s long-lasting legacy. In this sense the judgement has stood the test of time.
7
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IN PURSUIT OF BROAD AGREEMENTS IN THE FUTURE DEVELOPMENT OF THE DECLARATION ON THE RIGHT TO PEACE WITHIN THE UNITED NATIONS

54%
Guillermet-Fernandez C., Puyana D. F.
Przegląd Strategiczny
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2017
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issue 10
383-406
PL
Karta Narodów Zjednoczonych jest najważniejszym paktem pokoju w historii świata,wskazującym podstawowe zasady utrzymania pokoju. W ostatnich latach widoczne jest dążenie społeczności międzynarodowej, podkreślające znaczenie tolerancji, dialogu, współpracy i solidarności między jednostkami, ludami i narodami. Dążenie to przejawia się między innymi w działaniach Zgromadzenia Ogólnego ONZ, które potępia wojnę i opowiada się za uznaniem prawa do pokoju jako prawa człowieka i zabiega o jego promowanie, ochronę i rozwój. Celem artykułu jest ukazanie działań Zgromadzenia Ogólnego, skierowanych na przyjęcie Deklaracji w sprawie prawa do pokoju.
EN
War and peace perpetually alternate and peace is always seen as an endless project, even a dream, to be realised in brotherhood by everyone all over the earth. Present generations should ensure that both they and future generations learn to live together in peace with the highest aspiration of sparing future generations the scourge of war. The UN Charter is the most solemn pact of peace in history, which lays down on the necessary basic principles for an enduring peace. Recently, in the context of the joint effort in the recognition of the high importance of practicing tolerance, dialogue, cooperation and solidarity among all human beings, peoples and nations, the General Assembly has raised the voice of victims to strongly condemn war and to openly reiterate their inalienable right to enjoy peace such that all human rights are promoted and protected and development is fully realized. The aim is to present activities of the General Assembly focused on the adoption of the Declaration on the right to peace.
8
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The European Union as a Regional Organization within the Meaning of the UN Charter

51%
Fernández S. N.
Polish Yearbook of International Law
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2012
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vol. 32
259-269
EN
Since it assumed competences in the area of security and defence, the EU has become a complete regional organization in the sense of the Chapter VIII of the UN Charter. This article explains the current situation, following the recognition of the EU’s special status by the United Nations and the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon. The future implementation of the mutual defence clause can improve the relevance of the European role as a security actor in the global framework of the UN and add a new task to its traditional peace-keeping, crisis management, and conflict prevention operations. In addition, the EU is an important political actor in the implementation of UN Security Council (UNSC) resolutions, especially those concerning the sanctions against individuals considered as belonging to terrorist organizations. By refusing the implementation of a UNSC resolution that fails to protect human rights, the EU can contribute to the evolution of the UN Charter legal order and be a political force to be reckoned with in the Security Council. The EU orientation, as reflected in its values, including respect for international law, can both reinforce the legitimacy of some UNSC resolutions and improve the credibility and specificity of the EU as an international actor.
9
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Prawo siły czy siła prawa – reminiscencje w dwusetleciu Kongresu Wiedeńskiego 1815 r.

51%
Łaski P.
Studia Prawnicze KUL
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2016
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issue 2
81-103
EN
Analysing power and for her applying by you to raise belongs, that her nucleon - it is using the military force which is ultima ratio of contemporary couples in the defence of their territory and the population - with word of their statehood. And although in the sphere of the international law we are dealing with the ban on for her applying, in practice a relative capacity has it is that ban, what results not that much from the plot of the Charter o the United Nations, what above all from the practice of states. The one whereas in the individual, collective, preventive situation of the self-defence, in the fight against terrorism or in case of humane intervention as allowing situations for her using is appealing to the military force. Contemporary states with reference to using force are guided by a rule that where it is about business of the state she is before regulations. And this state of affairs didn't change in two hundred past years which passed from the Congress of Vienna 1815. Of him whereas participants were of the opinion then, which in spite of the expiry of two centuries, didn't change, and coming down to the fact that in world altogether his military and economic power is deciding on the position of the state, and only then participation in alliances of servicemen what results from the fact that legal-international regulations referring to using force don't have a deciding influence on taken action with for her using international relations towards other participants.
PL
Analizując siłę i jej stosowanie przez państwa podnieść należy, iż jej nukleon – to użycie siły zbrojnej, która jest ultima ratio współczesnych państwa w obronie ich terytorium i ludności – słowem ich państwowości. I jakkolwiek w sferze prawa międzynarodowego mamy do czynienia z zakazem jej stosowania, to ów zakaz w praktyce ma względny charakter, co wynika nie tyle z treści Karty NZ, co przede wszystkim z praktyki państw. Ta zaś odwołuje się do siły zbrojnej w sytuacji samoobrony indywidualnej, zbiorowej, prewencyjnej, w walce z terroryzmem czy w razie interwencji humanitarnej jako sytuacji dopuszczających jej użycie. Współczesne państwa w odniesieniu do użycia siły kierują się regułą, że tam, gdzie chodzi o interes państwa jest ona przed uregulowaniami prawnymi. I ten stan rzeczy nie uległ zmianie w minionych dwustu latach, jakie upłynęły od Kongresu Wiedeńskiego 1815 r. Jego zaś uczestnicy stali wówczas na stanowisku, które mimo upływu dwóch stuleci, nie uległo zmianie, a sprowadzające się do tego, że o pozycji państwa w świecie decyduje łącznie jego siła militarna i ekonomiczna, a dopiero potem uczestnictwo w sojuszach wojskowych, co wynika z faktu, iż prawnomiędzynarodowe unormowania odnoszące się do użycia siły nie mają decydującego wpływu na podejmowane działania z jej użyciem w stosunku do innych uczestników stosunków międzynarodowych.
10
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Sankcje ustanawiane przez Radę Bezpieczeństwa ONZ a państwa nieczłonkowskie ONZ

51%
Kleczkowska A.
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2020
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vol. 30
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issue 3
45-63
EN
The aim of the article is to investigate whether sanctions imposed by the UN Security Council (UN SC) bind not only UN Member States but also non-Member States. The article claims that the UN Charter does not allow the UN SC to impose sanctions against non-Member States, as well as sanctions established by the UN SC are not binding them. To argue for this thesis, one has to first and foremost discuss the mechanisms of sanctions included in Chapter VII of the UN Charter. Secondly, the meaning of Article 2 (6) will be analyzed. Thirdly, the article will present the counter arguments to views presented in the doctrine of law and in the practice of States for binding non-Members with the UN SC sanctions. Finally, the examples of relations between the UN and non-Member States will be discussed from the perspective of sanctions established by the UN SC.
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest zbadanie, czy sankcje ustanawiane przez Radę Bezpieczeństwa ONZ (RB ONZ) wiążą nie tylko państwa członkowskie ONZ, ale również państwa, które nie są członkami Organizacji. Artykuł opiera się na tezie, że w Karcie NZ (KNZ) nie ma podstaw prawnych, które pozwalałyby RB ONZ na uchwalanie sankcji wobec państw nieczłonkowskich, jak również sankcje przyjmowane przez Radę nie są prawnie wiążące dla państw pozostających poza Organizacją. Udowodnienie tej tezy wymagać będzie w pierwszej kolejności krótkiego scharakteryzowania mechanizmu sankcji na gruncie Rozdziału VII KNZ. W drugiej kolejności zostanie przeanalizowana treść i znaczenie art. 2 ust. 6 KNZ. Po trzecie, zostaną omówione argumenty wskazywane w doktrynie i praktyce prawa międzynarodowego, przemawiające za związaniem państw nieczłonkowskich sankcjami RB ONZ. W końcu zostaną przedstawione przykłady relacji między państwami nieczłonkowskimi a Organizacją w zakresie realizacji sankcji ustanawianych przez RB ONZ.
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