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EN
Different meanings of the term ‘politics’ define its different dimensions - dimensions in which politics is being carried out. The overwhelming feature of contemporary politics is its mediatisation, which can be understood as ‒ according to Franciszek Ryszka, who said that “words create politics” - the hegemony of the symbolic sphere. Therefore, the study of politics should take into account not only the sphere of decision-making, but also the discourse which restricts and directs political activities. The case of Ukraine demonstrates that civic media (i.e. Media which are decentralized, non-hierarchical, based on networking and social media) are now the plane on which certain political ideas are manifested most fully, including declarations of intent to pursue a particular doctrine of the state. At the same time - due to its axiological marking – civic media are becoming an important forum for various discourses in the service of community. The analysis of politics, perceived as power over the meaning, is the primary dimension of the analysis, since other planes of politics and corresponding analytical areas are, in the modern world, increasingly subordinated to the discursive sphere which creates a meaningful (discursive, symbolic, axiological etc.) framework for political action. The article discusses the impact of civic journalism on political change - from the “Orange Revolution” to “Revolution of Dignity”. This section of the article presents, among other issues, the most important means of civic journalist narration. The following part outlines the role of civic media at the time of Russian aggression in Ukraine, where asymmetric hybrid warfare is taking place, that is a combination of conventional, irregular and information warfare. The article also discusses the key features and activities of Ukrainian grassroots journalism during the war, and then presents the main axiological pillars of Russian war propaganda and its criticism by journalists and civic media.
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EN
After gaining its independence in 1991, Ukraine – the young state – needed elements, which could reinforce and consolidate social cohesion of divided nation. Official historical policy, promoted especially by the government of Viktor Yushchenko, was based on a mythologized history of Kievan Rus’, the extreme nationalist organization, i.e. OUN, UPA and the Ukrainian and Cossacks folklore. Authors based their article on an analysis of texts, websites and monitoring of Ukrainian media. Article shows the process of forming a new political mythology of Ukraine after the Orange Revolution, 2013–2014 Maidan unrest and current events in eastern Ukraine. Authors state that Maidan events have become the core of modern Ukraine’s political mythology, its founding myth, which constitutes a crucial element of Ukrainian national identity.
EN
The maturity of a state always correlates with the strength of the national (not ethnic) community’s identity. The quality of such correlation becomes crucial and often improves during the trials. Peace has never existed without war, but worldwide development is constant in its changing cycles of colonization (confirmation of Empires/confederations, movement towards bipolarity, strengthening of military-technogenic human potential, globalization of economics and identity) and decolonization (territorial reconstruction of the world, development accent’s shift towards the social equity, branding “comfort places”, peripherality of capitalism). Each sociopolitical developments (war and a coup d’état, terrorism and AIDS, natural disasters and changes in social display) as attractors of such cycles actualize the question about the maturity of relations between a state and society. The form of such relationships could be designed by religion, political regime, social contract and establish systematic game rules. It converts political support for public institutions by masses into increasing of various incomes among the population (economic stability, legal, financial and social population security, distribution of capabilities and software and growth prospects system on the whole, it’s symbolic and social equity).The chosen format of relationships between a state and society is the core of the system modernization, key actor’s responsibility (government, community, business and media-environment) and the correspondence of their activity with a single strategic model (which system aims at) is a major factor in its successful renewal.
EN
The analysis of the regional development of Ukraine processes testifies the existence of the certain negative tendencies including deepening of interregional contradictions, growing of the imbalances and aggravation of economic and social problems of regions. Among a number of reasons for this situation the main is the absence of the integrated efficient system of the state regional policy implementation. A common statement in discourse of the regional development in Ukraine is the opposition of East and West, that is explained, first of all, by the differences of the axiological and geopolitical preferences of their population, and, not in the last turn, by the policy of the regional elite. The strengthening of the regional polarization of public attitudes in Ukraine, as a rule, is the consequence of the redistribution of powers in terms of power or the regional elite. Among the factors of differentiation of regions of Ukraine the most essential are foreign, language and cultural orientations of citizens. The urgent task of the Ukrainian state lies in the formation of the state’s policy, directed on the creation of the unifying national system of values, which would respond the desires of every Ukrainian no matter irrespective of the place of his residence, political views or the language of the communication. To achieve this one should reject the use of the social political technologies, which are based on the “search of the enemy”, and proceed to political and legal education, modern integrative political technologies of the unifying character, and common goals of the further democratic development of the Ukrainian society. In the process of the political dialogue between the representatives of the different political parties one should avoid the problems which divide the society by religion, language or other cultural and historical signs.
EN
The article presents the importance of vagrant singers (bandurists) who are using bagpipes or bandura string instrument in history and culture of the Ukrainian people. I have been focusing not only on the development of the instruments used by singers itself, but also on the oral tradition that is carried out in their performances. Emphasis has been placed on showing their art during the Cossacks historical era as beyond doubt in this period it developed in Ukraine the most. This was primarily caused by the emerge of the guilds gathering singers. The special attention was given also to the Romantic period in which pipe playing has been vastly landmark in works of the most important Ukrainian writers and painters. I discussed also a period of persecution and manslaughter over this particular group of artists during the Soviet times, which greatly hampered the further development and heritage of pipe playing. Hopefully it gets slowly reborn in the independent Ukraine.
EN
The relationship between political strategy of the state (first of all on the basis of studying the experience of democratic transformations) and the foreign policy vector of national development on the example of Ukraine and countries of Central and Eastern Europe is examined. The author seeks to find answers to the question: «What is the ideological guidance for national development of modern Ukraine?»; «Experience of our closest neighbors - Central and Eastern Europe - may be useful in identifying these ideological landmarks for Ukraine?»; «Should such ideological orientations be based on clearly defined ideological and political (doctrinal) bases or be as politically neutral?». The proposed research of the structure of European integration strategy because of the burning social and political realities of Ukraine distinguish the most problematic areas of political, social, economic and cultural space of national society. Based on the experience of the process of democratic transformation and holding of European integration in Poland, Hungary, Romania and other CEE countries are attempting to define «strong» and «weak» sides of these processes for the further consideration of their formulation of national politics and the foreign policy strategy of systemic transformation. The author’s view on the problems and prospects of development of civil society in Ukraine in view of events ( in fact - for the most significant recent history of national tests) is presented by late 2013 - early 2014.
EN
Eastern Europe (especially Ukraine) struggles with a significant number of problems, both internal and external in character. Euromaidan in Ukraine complicated the situation of the country even further. Some researchers believe the aftermath of Euromaidan sent the strongest shockwave since the fall of the USSR. In addition, the conflict results in geopolitical changes in Eastern Europe, but also infl uences conditions the European Union’s eastern policy is implemented in. The Eastern Partnership (EaP) is quite frequently considered an ineffi cient policy. Some go as far as to claim it has lost its raison d’etre. Observations claiming a decline of the EaP project are also made. Is it really true that the EaP project has failed to meet its objectives? The present paper constitutes a general review of the situation the European Union’s Eastern Partnership countries are in with regards to the armed conflict in Ukraine (the so-called Ukrainian crisis). The paper attempts to offers answers to the following questions: Will the EU be able to consider the position of EaP states in such a predicament? Will Poland, supported by the countries of the Visegrad Group (the V4), be able to convince EU member states to become actively involved in the matters of the East? Will Russia’s actions towards EaP states prevent the objectives from being reached?
EN
The article presents the evolution of the position of the President within the state and government system in Ukraine in the period of independence. The paper is based on the analysis of norms of particular legal acts, such as the constitutional amendment and the President Act of 1991, the constitutional agreement of 1995, the constitution of 1996 and the constitutional amendments of 2004 and 2014. The Constitutional Court ruling of 2010 restoring the President’s broad scope of powers was also taken into account. The results of the analysis allowed to answer the question of what constitutional and legal position was granted to the President in the period of emergence of the Ukrainian state and how it changed during individual stages of the country’s independence.
EN
The subject of Russian propaganda offensive is important and worth examining for several reasons: firstly, it concerns states that Poland borders with and are important in its foreign and security policy; secondly, Poland is exposed to the Russian propaganda and the level of social awareness of it is low; thirdly, there is visible intensification since 2013 of Russian informative and cultural offensive, not only towards Ukraine, but also towards member states of the EU and NATO, so towards Poland too. Propaganda offensive is conducted by Russia by wide array of means and methods, including “the Russian Word” concept, method of creation the enemies, creating its own narration and its popularization through the Russian mass media and the Russians and Russian-speaking minority living in Ukraine. The aim of the article is not only the analysis of Russian propaganda towards Ukraine, the state that is crucial for Russian reintegration and neoimperial projects, but also the analysis of counteroffensive actions taken by Kyiv.
EN
looking at two rarely associated concepts, civic unity and the rule of law. It attempts to bring a novel approach to the study of democratization in a divided society such as Ukraine, building on a selection of the existing literature on the subject and focusing on the civic dimension of the process. It follows the approach of those political scientists who have challenged the “no precondition’ line in democratization research by looking precisely at context specific conditions that may sustain democracy. It is argued that the common sense of citizenship and belonging to a political community, supported by legal and institutional mechanisms and conscious effort of political elites, would contribute to the development of civil society and perhaps even democratic consolidation in the long run. Thus the civic and institutional dimensions of democratization should not be separated, especially in case of some post-communist societies such as Ukraine. The relationship between these two dimensions, however, is problematic at least from a methodological point of view and requires careful examination.
EN
Aristotle and Francesco Guicciardini - that Ukrainian society failed, so far, in the art of producing a nomocratic (rule-based) system of government. The author puts forward a thesis that this fact was decisive in the past and is decisive now about the weakness of the Ukrainian state. It opened the way for Russia’s interference in the country’s affairs and also allowed the excesses of voluntarism on the part of the wealthy and well-connected in the system of power. Then the author points out that - with few exceptions - the lands included in the territory of Ukraine are not subject to the process of formation of nomocratic forms of government typical for Western countries. Certainly nomocratic patterns were not provided to Ruthenia / Ukraine during its relations with the Polish Crown. Therefore, in their laborious construction of the state of law, Ukrainians do not have a tradition to which they could refer. This makes the complicated situation even more difficult, though, as it seems, the aim of another Maidan was to create a law-abiding state. In the following discussion, I am of the view that reforming Ukraine may occur thanks to a statesman who will be able to gain public support during several terms of office. It does not have to be associated with the transition to authoritarian forms of government that would impede cooperation with the West and increased the credibility of the Russian narrative, which devotes a lot of time to Ukrainian fascism. Leading politicians of the Ukrainian scene would be difficult to place in the role of Men of Providence who could, in the spirit of the rule of law, pursue a policy of equal distance from Russia and the European Union, which seems to be the best use of Ukraine’s geopolitical position.
EN
Article devoted to the secret services of the independent Ukraine. The secret services of Ukraine were established in 1992, what gave the beginning of today’s structures of Ukrainian secret services. The text discusses the basic organs which form the structure of these services, among others: The Security Service of Ukraine, the Chief Directorate of Intelligence of the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine, the Foreign Intelligence Service of Ukraine, the State Bureau of Investigation, State Special Communications Service of Ukraine, National Police of Ukraine, Department of Operations and Investigation of the State Border Guard Service of Ukraine, the National Guard of Ukraine and the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine.
EN
The article presents the specificity of the Ukrainian political regime. It defined a hybrid political regime. Two types of “competitive authoritarianism” and “defective democracy” are discussed. Analyzed changes in the political regime of Ukraine in the years 1991–2016.
EN
In Poland after 1989 – after regaining sovereignty and initiating the socio-political transformation – there are many concepts of Eastern policy, which was also the result of dynamic changes in the Soviet . The process of emancipation of the united republics accelerated in the period of perestroika and steadily progressed. Its final effect was the disintegration of the Soviet empire at the end of 1991. Therefore various groups and political trends in Poland formed different concepts and visions of the Polish Eastern policy. In discussions on its shape more and more attention was turned to Polish-Ukrainian relations. One of the trends in formulating assumptions on the Polish policy towards the post-Soviet area was conservative parties and groups. Within this ideological option, represented by many parties and groups, many – often conflicting – ideas and visions of the Polish policy towards Ukraine were formed. The objective of this article is to present an overview of these concepts – formulated in the framework of the conservative trend.
EN
The issue of the solving of the problem of the raising level of the legitimating of power in the electoral process, which is really low in the eyes of citizens of Ukraine, is raised in the article. The institutional structure, procedures and the electoral process’ mechanisms give the contenders wide opportunities not only for the selfpromotion, but over persuasion of community in the personal ability to ensure effective public management. The process of the legitimating of the political power is being in progress at every stage of the election long before the official nomination of the candidates for the acquisition of the authority. The authors of the article suggest the following stages of the election: 1) Constituting; 2) Institutionalization; 3) Realization; 4) Control. The essential subjects of the power institutions’ formation in the democratic states are political parties. They commit a significant and sometimes decisive influence on the will of the voters. Besides, the parties are being one of the main subjects of the political legitimating during election. Another indicator of the democratic state is the freedom of the political opposition activity. Numerous attempts to regulate the statute of the political opposition in Ukraine were subordinated to the tasks of its constituting. The four stages of the political opposition constituting are singled out on this basis: 1990-2006; 2006-2007; 2007-2010; since October 2010. The organic component of the legitimating of power in the election is their recognition through the number of the specialized organizations, agencies and institutions of the Council of Europe, European Union, and OSCE, and CIS, etc. The indicators of the international (foreign) legitimating power in Ukraine are singled out in the article.
EN
From the choice of a foreign policy priority of Ukraine’s integration into the European Community, the most relevant question was bring the regulatory legal acts of Ukraine, especially regulating tax relations, in compliance with norms and standards of European Union legislation. The purpose of the research is to determine the place of tax duty in the system of taxpayer obligations according to the norms of legislation of Ukraine and the Republic of Latvia and development of proposals about the possibility of making changes regarding the improvement of legal regulation of the tax duty in Ukraine and the Republic of Latvia. To achieve set goal and performance of tasks of the research in the article are used deductions, comparative, logical and logical-semantic analytical methods. Scientific novelty of research is that for the first time are conducted a research of the tax duty in the system of taxpayer obligations by means of comparative characteristic of legislation of Ukraine and the Republic of Latvia, defined the main general features and fundamental differences of the legal nature of the tax duty of the two States and defined the place of the tax duty in the system of taxpayer obligations according to the norms of legislation of Ukraine and the Republic of Latvia. Based on the results of the study has been proposed further improvements in the legal national tax legislation of both States; has been made proposals on the appropriateness of considering to the legislator of the Republic of Latvia the question on amendments to the Law of the Republic of Latvia “On taxes and duties” of 18.02.1995, (amended on 28.12.2012, into force on 11.01.2013), in the part of allocation of legal category of tax duty and determine its content and priority before other obligations of the taxpayer; for Ukraine, the proposed amendment in item 19.3., article 19 of the Tax code of Ukraine from 02.12.2010, 2755-VI (with amendments and additions on 01.01.2014), in relation to the pursuance of tax duty a representative.
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PL
Celem niniejszej pracy jest przedstawienie struktury etnicznej współczesnej Ukrainy wraz z omówieniem dynamiki rozwoju tożsamości narodowej i etnicznej ukraińskiego społeczeństwa po rozpadzie Związku Radzieckiego – zjawiska określanego jako „etniczny renesans”, bądź „etniczne przebudzenie”, ujętego w kontekście zachodzących na Ukrainie procesów transformacji. Poprzez analizę struktury językowej i wyznaniowej, szkolnictwa oraz życia społeczno-kulturalnego, autor ukazuje jednocześnie przyczyny głębokiego narodowościowego i regionalnego zróżnicowania społeczeństwa Ukrainy pod względem narodowej identyfi kacji.
EN
The aim of this paper is to present ethnic structure of contemporary Ukraine along with the review of national and ethnic identity of Ukrainian society evolution dynamism after decomposition of Soviet Union – the phenomenon defi ned as “ethnic renaissance” or “ethnic awakening” in context of transformation process. Through analysis of language and religious associations’ structure, educational system and social-cultural life, author simultaneously releases the reasons of deep national diversity and regional disparities of Ukrainian society in respect to national identifi cation
EN
The administrative-territorial reform that began in Ukraine aims at modernizing state governance and introducing European standards. First of all, it is about democratization of public administration on the basis of broad territorial self-government and decentralization of power, as well as introduction of a new territorial-administrative division. Public opinion often discusses the best practices for achieving these goals, most often addressing decentralization and federalization, mistakenly identifying them as equal. As a consequence, axifugal movements, inspired by internal and external political factors, emerge in Ukraine under the slogan of democratization under the guise of federalization thus creating internal conflicts as well as a threat to its territorial integrity. The prospect of federalization of Ukraine represents a jeopardy to its unity. With economic, cultural, and mental regional differences, the transition from unitarity to federalization will bring further deepening of contrasts. Therefore, the decentralization of public power in the state may be the optimal solution to the problem and an alternative to federalization.
PL
Reforma terytorialno-administracyjna, która rozpoczęła się na Ukrainie, ma na celu modernizację zarządu państwem, wdrażanie standardów europejskich. Przede wszystkim chodzi o demokratyzację administracji publicznej na zasadach szerokiego samorządu terytorialnego i decentralizacji władzy oraz zaprowadzenie nowego podziału terytorialno- -administracyjnego. Często dyskutowane są przez opinię publiczną także optymalne metody osiągnięcia tych celów, wśród których najczęściej pojawiają się decentralizacja i federalizacja, błędnie ze sobą utożsamiane. W ten sposób podsycane przez różne wewnętrzne środowiska polityczne jak i czynniki zewnętrzne powstają ruchy odśrodkowe, które pod hasłem demokratyzacji w postaci federalizacji przybierają formy separatyzmu, a w związku z tym – dezintegracji terytorialnej Ukrainy i konfliktów wewnętrznych. Perspektywa federalizacji Ukrainy niesie zagrożenie jej integralności terytorialnej. Pod względem zróżnicowań pomiędzy regionami państwa w sensie gospodarczym, kulturalnym i mentalnym przejście od unitaryzmu do federalizacji jeszcze bardziej pogłębi te różnice i podziały. Optymalnym rozwiązaniem tej sytuacji i alternatywą dla federalizacji wydaje się być decentralizacja władzy publicznej.
EN
Strategic approaches and interests of Great Britain in the conditions of the modern crisis of the European security system in connection with the Russian-Ukrainian conflict are analyzed in the article. The historical features of London’s policy on the subject of European integration in the field of security are discovered. The author concentrates attention on the reasons of the modern crisis of the European security system. There are revealed the forming factors and the main point of political positions of the EU, the US, NATO, and Great Britain in relation to the military-political aggression of Russia against Ukraine in 2014. The features of the European policy of the British government in the field of security and the strategic interests of Great Britain in the conditions of a renewal of the elements of bloc-civilization conflict are analyzed.
EN
The annexation of Ukrainian Crimea by Russia and its activities in the eastern part of Ukraine encourage political scientists and experts in international relations and security to conduct diverse analyses. This article aims to reflect on the problem of how, from the point of view of political science, Polish-Ukraine relations should be shaped as well as how Russia’s actions could be explained. Concepts of the following researchers have been used in the analysis: Adolf Bocheński, Hannah Arendt, Hans Morgenthau, Sigmund Freud and the paradigm of realism and romanticism in politics. The conclusions of the discussion are as follows: the course adopted by Polish decision-makers towards Ukraine (and hence against Russia), although understandable in some respects and having a theoretical justification, seems to be in line with the current of the romantic and idealistic political thought. These trends, generally speaking, are discredited in international relations.
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