Search results - CEJSH

1

Iran-US Relations: Learning from Experience, Marching toward Reconciliation

100%

Amirahmadi H.

Hemispheres. Studies on Cultures and Societies

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2014

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vol. 29

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issue 4

5-21

EN

With some success in the negotiations over Iran’s nuclear program, hopes have been raised that the US and Iran may be able to conclude a final nuclear deal and then build upon it to ultimately mend relations. Assuming that the US and Iran can cultivate the political will for normal relations, the purpose of this paper is to assist the policy makers and others to realize the shift and prepare the ground for a realistic rapprochement. With this purpose and possibility in mind, the paper offers an overview of US-Iran relations including its historical development, difficulties in the relationship, imperatives for a better rapport, and remedial prescriptions.

2

Ethnic Studies it the Czech Republic

80%

Uherek Z.

Národopisná revue (Journal of Ethnology)

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2017

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vol. 27

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issue 5

56 - 64

EN

The term ethnic studies is not frequently used in the academic community of the Czech Republic. It is predominantly connected to the name of the Ethnic Studies Department at the Institute of Ethnology of the Czech Academy of Sciences and with texts produced by Czech ethnologists dealing with migrations, minorities and adjustment processes to the new environment (in the Czech academic texts of the second half of the 20th century, occasionally called „etnické procesy” [ethnic processes]). The author of this text scrutinizes the meaning of the concept of ethnic studies in the Czech context and poses the question what types of enquiries there have been so far. He compares the concept of ethnic studies in the Czech Republic and the USA, where ethnic studies departments originated in the 1960s and 1980s, and concludes that in the Czech Republic, in contrast to the United States, the theme of ethnic studies relates rather than the ethno-revivalist movements with social anthropological research into the dynamics of human relations and intercultural contacts, which were frequently called interethnic relations in the 1990s.

3

Region o niskim stopniu zainteresowania w polityce zagranicznej Stanów Zjednoczonych na początku XXI wieku. Casus krajów Maghrebu

80%

Wordliczek R.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2013

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issue 4(26)

195-216

EN

The Mediterranean Area is a very important region at the contemporary international relations. Since 2001 the United States have established closer relations with North African countries. There are two main goals of the American foreign Policy towards Maghreb: one of the main goal of this cooperation is searching for the alternative way of supplying the United States by African gas and oil. Algeria, Libya and Nigeria are one of the biggest holders and exporters of these natural minerals. Nowadays, U.S., European countries and Russia are in rivalry for Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) and oil contracts with the African partners. The winner of this compete will keep control of the whole market of minerals and from the political, economic and strategic point of view will be stronger in the future. The second one is supporting by Maghreb countries U.S. counter-terrorism military operation Active Endeavour.

4

Faszyzm, lewica, konserwatyzm

80%

Machaj Ł.

Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem

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2015

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vol. 37

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issue 1

99 - 105

EN

The article is an analysis of Jonah Goldberg’s book Liberal Fascism: The Secret History of the American Left, From Mussolini to the Politics of Meaning. The author argues that Goldberg’s interpretation of Fascism as a left-wing phenomenon can be justifi ed only if a worshipful attitude to the state were to be considered to be an emblematic element of both doctrines. He agrees with Goldberg that there are important elements shared by American left-wing liberalism and Fascist ideology (excluding the criminal nature of the latter).

5

Missile defense roles in the post-cold war U.S. strategy

80%

Pugacewicz T.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2017

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issue 50

263-293

EN

The debate on missile defense in the United States has been going on for more than half a century, and brought about extensive literature on this subject. Although many studies on BMDS are publications dedicated to U.S. strategy, foreign and security policy, only a few works are focused solely on the U.S. missile defense strategy in the post-Cold War era from the long-term perspective. The aim of this article is to discuss the U.S. missile defense strategy in the post-Cold War era. The paper consists of an introduction, three sections, and a conclusion. The introduction includes short literature review and explains the domestic and international significance of BMDS. In the first section, BMDS is defined and described, next the ongoing debate about sources of U.S. focus on missile defense development is presented. In the last section, four functions of the BMDS in the U.S. post-Cold War strategy are analyzed. Conclusion includes brief recap, as well as costs and benefits assessment of the consequences of the BMDS deployment.

6

The Current European Perspective on the Exequatur of U.S. Punitive Damages: Opening the Gate But Keeping a Guard

80%

Vanleenhove C.

Polish Yearbook of International Law

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2015

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vol. 35

235-264

EN

Global trade and intercontinental tourism are on the rise in today’s world. This, in turn, leads to more cross-border law suits. Inevitably, jurisdictions will be confronted with legal concepts that are unknown in the host forum. This contribution investigates whether, and to what extent, punitive damages judgments originating in the United States can be enforced against the assets of a defendant in a number of selected Member States of the EU. More specifically, the article explores the possibilities of enforcing American punitive damages judgments in five EU countries, namely Germany, Italy, Spain, France and England. This comparative analysis reveals that the case law in these selected countries is relatively divergent as to the stance adopted towards foreign punitive damages, resulting in different degrees of acceptance of this legal remedy.

7

Powiązania gospodarcze między Stanami Zjednoczonymi Ameryki i Unią Europejską w latach 2006–2016

80%

Sporek T.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2018

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vol. 3

153-184

EN

European Union is one of the United States of America’s most important economic partners. The article aims to analyze the causes, value and directions of the trade policy as well as direct foreign investments of the USA. The USA had several reasons to invest abroad that changed over time. These included: the strong appreciation of the high rate of growth of real wages, the Chinese trade surplus, which put pressure on foreign partners to reduce exports and undertake the production in their countries, the abundance of capital in the domestic market, the low level of real interest rates and finally the search for less expensive direct investment in the USA. The value of trade between these entities began to grow rapidly in 2007, and the trend continues today. The peak occurred in 2015, when the annual value of the stream exceeded 300 billion dollars.

8

Specyfika konstytucjonalizmu stanowego w USA

80%

Stolicki D.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2017

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issue 48

203-239

EN

The article summarizes major peculiarities of American state constitutionalism, understood as a set of general principles governing form, legal nature, and content of state constitutions. It focuses primarily on the areas in which state constitutions differ from the federal Constitution. With the large difference in length as its starting point, the article analyzes such features of state constitutions as greater level of detail, broader catalog of constitutional subject matters, frequent incidence of constitutional legislation, plenary as opposed to enumerated character of state governmental powers, and relative ease of constitutional change at state level. It concludes that the foregoing features of state constitutions primarily reflect distrust in state governments (particularly legislatures) and willingness of political actors to treat constitutions as ordinary policy instruments as opposed to fundamental law. The article further examines the influence of those features on state constitutional interpretation, noting that the greater specificity and elasticity of state constitutions on one hand diminishes importance of originalism, but on the other hand – promotes strict textualism and is one of the leading causes of lesser incidence on informal constitutional changes (especially judge‑made) in the states.

9

Termination or Accountability? The Controversy over the United States’ Use of Cyberintelligence

80%

Boussios E. G.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2016

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issue 2

35-44

EN

The paper explores the debate over the role of United States governments in American cybersecurity. This issue has been brought to the attention of the broader public by the controversial case of Edward Snowden, who claimed that the U.S. government (and its allies) acted criminally by aiding and abetting its own agents in the unlawful collection of information on U.S. citizens. In the debate that followed, a range of legal and ethical questions regarding democratic states’ cyberintelligence gathering capacities were raised. Notably, there has been a tendency in the literature to portray the challenge thus raised in terms of an unbridgeable chasm, with “liberty” on one side and “security” on the other. By adding a new perspective to our understanding of the problem of protecting the U.S. cyberspace, this paper addresses the question of how transparent and publicly accountable the U.S. government should be when upscaling its cyberintelligence capabilities. The study also considers the practicality of cyberintelligence reforms in the U.S. demanded by Edward Snowden.

10

It’s Complicated: United States, Aung San Suu Kyi and U.S.-Burma Relations

80%

Lubina M.

Acta Asiatica Varsoviensia

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2016

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issue 29

131-146

EN

Until 2011 Aung San Suu Kyi has been the point of reference for U.S. policy towards Burma/Myanmar. Her struggle with Burmese military junta has attracted a widespread attention and a global affection for her. As a result, Suu Kyi enjoyed an unquestioned support from subsequent U.S. president administrations. This, however, has changed in 2011 when Suu Kyi was politically sacrificed by the U.S. pivot to Asia. Nevertheless, she faced it bravely and did not give in; just changed her tactics from confrontation to cooperation with the post-military regime. That gave her a stunning electoral victory in 2015 and power from behind-the-scenes in Myanmar. Suu Kyi’s relations with Washington have remained cordial, yet complicated ever since.

11

US Policy towards Iran under President Barack Obama's Administration

80%

Milczanowski M.

Hemispheres. Studies on Cultures and Societies

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2014

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vol. 29

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issue 4

53-67

EN

Article analyses relations between USA and Iran, after beginning of Barack Obama presidency. New president started from creation of a new doctrine, which changed his international policy in large extent, after ineffective, but very engaged policy of his predecessor. Relations with Iran were the top priority for a new US administration in 2009. President Obama and his Secretary of State made a lot of efforts to change the policy from warlike, and full of threats toward Iran and his allies, into orientated on negotiations, diplomacy and long range peace and security building process. In this aspect only well organized and planned Smart Power policy can be beneficial, but it seems too much use of the soft means of policy produce image of weakening US presence in the Middle East and encouraged Iran to play more decisive role in the region.

12

Hyperpower as a post-Westphalian international environment management hub

80%

Szumowski A. R.

Polish Journal of Political Science

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2020

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vol. 6

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issue 4

85-126

EN

The issue of managing the late-Westphalian international environment, especially in the phase of a deep and accelerated qualitative transformation, is among one of the most intensely analyzed by the scientific community. Many models are considered by different scholars, ranging from imperial models to multi-level management models. One of the forms of managing international relations and a tool of power projection can be the form called a hyperpower. It is a unique subjective structure including a core in the form of a superpower and a network of connections and decision-making chains – formal as well as informal – functioning in the transnational social space. This system is situated as an intermediate form between empire and hegemony. It is distinguished from the former by flexibility and softness, from the latter – by international legitimacy that goes beyond the mere recognition of effectiveness in managing global affairs. Its functioning can be traced on the example of three most important functions: sanction, indoctrination, and legitimization.

13

Unia Europejska jako gracz międzynarodowy - perspektywa amerykańska

80%

Kiwerska J.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2014

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issue 4(353)

101-119

EN

The European Union with its obvious trump cards should be an active and efficient player on the international arena. Such are the expectations of the United States formulated especially by the administration of Barack Obama. However, from the American perspective, the EU did not prove successful as an important international actor, engaged in resolving global problems and prepared to assume greater responsibility for the course of events in the world. This inertia of the EU resulted in a marginalization of Europe in American politics, as manifested by the latter’s pivot to the Pacific Rim. Only developments in the Ukraine which are an effect of imperial tendencies in Russia’s activity triggered greater activity and coherence in American and European politics. But today it is still difficult to foresee whether the EU will want to live up to the role of an efficient player on the international arena in accord with American expectations.

14

Mocarstwo globalne – Stany Zjednoczone po II wojnie światowej

80%

Kiwerska J.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2015

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issue 2(355)

97-113

EN

The United States took upon themselves the effort to shape the postwar international order already during the Second World War. Therefore the end of the war made a demand on the American politics to meet new challenges on the international arena. The enormous potential of the USA in 1945 and a new geopolitical situation, the threat posed by the Soviet Union included, compelled America to assume the role of a global power with all its consequences. Only the United States could cope with the new responsibilities in international relations. It meant for America a departure from its traditional principle of isolationism and involvement in world affairs on an unprecedented scale. In this way America became for the n ext decades a major if not the main creator and factor of international order.

15

Unia Europejska jako gracz międzynarodowy - perspektywa amerykańska

80%

Kiwerska J.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2014

|

issue 4(353)

101-119

EN

The European Union with its obvious trump cards should be an active and efficient player on the international arena. Such are the expectations of the United States formulated especially by the administration of Barack Obama. However, from the American perspective, the EU did not prove successful as an important international actor, engaged in resolving global problems and prepared to assume greater responsibility for the course of events in the world. This inertia of the EU resulted in a marginalization of Europe in American politics, as manifested by the latter’s pivot to the Pacific Rim. Only developments in the Ukraine which are an effect of imperial tendencies in Russia’s activity triggered greater activity and coherence in American and European politics. But today it is still difficult to foresee whether the EU will want to live up to the role of an efficient player on the international arena in accord with American expectations.

16

Ewolucja przywództwa Stanów Zjednoczonych po zimnej wojnie

80%

Kiwerska J.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2016

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issue 4(361)

53-81

EN

The world leadership of the United States has recently undergone a significant evolution. At the end of the Cold War the USA was the only superpower, exerting immense influence on the resolution of global and regional problems. In the 1990s America continued to maintain its dominant role in the world. The dynamism of events at the onset of the 21st century, mistakes in American policy and a changing international environment markedly weakened the USA’s capacity and readiness to tackle challenges and solve problems. America expected support and greater involvement on the part of its allies/partners in fulfilling its obligations on the international arena. Thus, the future of the American leadership remains an open question.

17

What American people can tell – freedom of speech in United States

80%

Dziduszko-Rościszewska A.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2010

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vol. 39

253-272

EN

Freedom of possessing and expressing own ideas and opinions and their dissemination is one of the fundamental rights, that entitled to each person. In addition to this, the freedom enables searching and getting information. Thanks to it, the right to express your own identity, selfrealization and aspiring to truth are guaranteed. It is one of the basic premise and the necessary condition to realize the idea of democracy. In the United States, the cradle of civil rights and modern democracy, the freedom of expression is guaranteed in the First Amendment to American Constitution (Bill of Rights), enacted in 1789 (came into force in 1791). On its virtue, “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of (…) the freedom of speech, or of the press (…).” Although the record suggested that this freedom is absolute, (not restricted of any legislation), the later jurisdiction of the US Supreme Court (by case law) isolated categories of utterances that have not been contained by the First Amendment. ! e essential issues are answers on the following questions: in the name of what values Congress can limit the First Amendment? And where is the border of freedom of speech? One of the expressions that are not protected by the law is fi ghting words and hate words. The second are libel and slanders that are understood as a infringement of somebody’s rights.

18

Divorce In America. Reflections on the National Marriage Project

80%

M Grondelski J.

Forum Teologiczne

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2012

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vol. 13

139-153

PL

Twierdzi się często, że liczba rozwodów w Stanach Zjednoczonych jest tak wysoka, iż jedno na dwa małżeństwa kończą się rozwodem. Jednak ta statystyka źle przedstawia rzeczywistość, wskazuje ona bowiem, że amerykańska skala rozwodów jest raczej ogólnie rzecz biorąc wysoka, chociaż jest ona znacząco niższa w pewnych grupach demograficznych (np. wierzących, osób z wyższym wykształceniem itd.). Artykuł niniejszy podzielony jest na dwie główne części. W pierwszej części wskazano na czynniki kulturalne wiodące do wprowadzenia w całych Stanach Zjednoczonych rozwodów „bez orzeczenia winy” (gdzie jedna strona może twierdzić, że małżeństwo jest „nieodwracalnie rozbite” i stąd otrzymuje rozwód). Część druga zawiera szczegółowe rozważania na temat badań nad „Narodowym Projektem Małżeńskim” (National Marriage Project – NPM), obecnie na uniwersytecie w Wirginii. NPM jest rocznym projektem badawczym mającym udokumentować stosunek Amerykanów do małżeństwa, rozwodu, i rodzicielstwa, i w świetle tych danych sformułować propozycje skierowane do polityków wskazujące na to, jak najlepiej wzmocnić małżeństwo i jego powiązanie z rodzicielstwem. Autor w rezultacie sugeruje, że NMP przedstawia model studiów nad małżeństwem, który powinien znaleźć naśladownictwo w Europie.

19

Neoliberalizm szkoły chicagowskiej a kryzys gospodarczy XXI wieku w Stanach Zjednoczonych

80%

Kowalski D.

Catallaxy

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2019

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vol. Volume 4

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issue Issue 2 December 2019

95-101

PL

Motywacja: Krach na amerykańskim rynku finansowym w 2008 roku zapoczątkował kryzys o charakterze globalnym. Rozpoczęła się poważna debata nad jego przyczynami, a w niej pojawiają się głosy o istotnej roli neoliberalnych założeń nurtu chicagowskiego, postrzeganego jako koncepcja ekonomiczna i ideologia dotykająca szeroko rozumianej sfery polityczno-społecznej. Chęć przedstawienia takiej krytycznej oceny stanowiła bezpośrednią przyczynę podjęcia niniejszego tematu. Cel: Celem artykułu jest zidentyfikowanie potencjalnego wpływu neoliberalizmu szkoły chicagowskiej oraz polityki gospodarczej państwa, prowadzonej na gruncie tej doktryny na kryzys gospodarczy 2008+ w Stanach Zjednoczonych. Materiały i metody: Wykorzystano metodę krytycznej analizy literatury z zakresu teorii kryzysów gospodarczych, neoliberalizmu, neoliberalizmu szkoły chicagowskiej oraz kryzysu XXI wieku. Wyniki: Ze względu na rozbieżności, trudno jednoznacznie wskazać, czy i w jakim stopniu neoliberalizm nurtu chicagowskiego i polityka gospodarcza państwa, prowadzona na gruncie tej doktryny przyczyniły się do kryzysu gospodarczego 2008+. Ze względu na wyraźnie przeważające głosy przeciwników tej doktryny i ich refleksje, można stwierdzić istnienie takiego wpływu.

EN

Motivation: The crash in the US financial market in 2008 resulted in a crisis of a global nature. A serious debate on its causes has begun, and in it there are voices about the important role of neoliberal assumptions in the Chicago trend, perceived as an economic concept and ideology affecting the broadly understood political and social sphere. The willingness to present such a critical evaluation was the direct cause of this topic. Aim: The aim of the article is to identify the potential impact of the Chicago School’s neoliberalism and the state’s economic policy based on this doctrine on the 2008+ economic crisis in the United States. Materials and methods: A method of critical analysis of literature in the field of economic crises theory, neoliberalism, neoliberalism of the Chicago school and the 21st century crisis was used. Results: Due to the differences, it is difficult to clearly indicate whether and to what extent the Chicago’s neoliberalism and the economic policy based on this doctrine contributed to the 2008+economic crisis. Due to the clearly prevailing voices of opponents of this doctrine and their reflections, it can be concluded that such an influence exists.

20

Studying Media Systems in the Era of Digital Media

80%

Stępińska A., Hallin D. C.

Central European Journal of Communication

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2022

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vol. 15

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issue 3(32)

483-488

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