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EN
Innovation is an essential factor in the growth and long-term development of businesses, national economies and integration groups. The aim of the article is to highlight the importance of innovation for countries transforming their economic system. A good example is the Visegrad Group, which includes four countries with a level of economic development and similar potential for innovation. The key factors influencing the innovativeness of the analyzed economies were identified. The author stresses the special role of the accession of V4 into the EU in overcoming the difficulties and the main obstacles in the process of systemic transformation.
EN
This paper analyses the Chinese perception of the Visegrad Group from the point of view of scholars, decision-makers, the media, and those in business. Different groups present different attitudes to and comments about the Visegrad Group and cooperation between China and the V4. Scholars have undertaken relatively deep research on the Visegrad Group. Decision-makers take a very pragmatic view and show less will to promote dialogue between China and the V4. The Visegrad Group is not well represented in the Chinese media. Chinese entrepreneurs do not regard the V4 as a useful platform for the promotion of their trade activities. Based on the above findings, the author puts forward some proposals for promoting pragmatic cooperation between China and the V4.
EN
The aim of the article was to identify the relationship between the value of public debt and selected effects of research and development in the V4 and EU-27 countries, while taking into account the possible impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Due to the breadth of issues related to the R&D sphere, 2 predictors were identified. The first is R&D expenditure, and the second is the number of employees with higher education employed in R&D. Statistical data analysis was used as a method of collecting and developing the empirical data. The practical implication of the study is to show that both before and in the first year of the pandemic, the relationship between public debt and research, and development activity in the V4 and EU-27 countries was strong, which justifies the in-depth monitoring and study of this relationship in subsequent years of the pandemic.
EN
Various research studies suggest that women and other vulnerable groups are the ones who were impacted most and who continue to suffer from the economic and social effects of the pandemic. However, these groups have often been omitted from the measures mitigating the pandemic impact due to their invisibility in the policy-knowledge nexus. This article draws on the findings from the international RESISTIRÉ research project, which focuses on how COVID-19 policies impacted gendered inequalities in Europe. Building on feminist institutionalism and an intersectional approach, we contribute to the debate on how existent gender regimes have shaped anti-pandemic policies in the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Slovakia. While examining policy responses, we identified two main meta-frames that are present across the countries in our analysis and that increased gender+ inequalities: the neoliberal model of active citizens that ties the redistribution of aid to labour market activity and the heteronormative family narrative. This narrative has led to those who do not fit within its framework being ignored in policies and to attacks on those groups in an effort to reinforce the narrative’s hegemony. The impact of these frames was further amplified bypractices of non-inclusive decision-making (in all three countries), where gender expertise was excluded as politicised and biased.
5
88%
Catallaxy
|
2021
|
vol. 6
|
issue 2
49-63
EN
Motivation: Euroscepticism is an phenomenon which is becoming increasingly important. EU countries ought to enhance cooperation in the face of major challenges. Despite challenges facing the European Union too little attention has been devote exploration Euroscepticism with particular reference to the V4 countries. Aim: The main objective of this study was to examine citizen?s Euroscepticism in the countries of the Visegrád Group. Accordingly, in the theoretical section were introduced definition of Euroscepticism, its classification and present differences in delineating of the phenomenon. Instigate an attempt to indicate the sources of Euroscepticism in the V4 countries and its characterize. The theoretical part was the basis for the empirical part in which was performed analysis results of Eurobarometer Public Opinion Researches. Materials and methods: Quantitative (basic statistical analysis and ALSCAL algorithm) methods were used in this investigation. The research data was drawn from Eurobarometer opinion polls commissioned by the European Commission. Results: The study indicated a varied level of Euroscepticism among the citizens of the Visegrad Group countries and the source of the whole phenomenon is strongly rooted in the sphere of migration. The Czechs are the most anti-European society from the V4 group. Reasearch on Euroscepticism must also be carried out at the level of the societies of individual states, and not only of political parties.
Catallaxy
|
2021
|
vol. 6
|
issue 2
35-48
EN
Motivation: The concept of Industry 4.0 is widely recognised, since technological development is an inseparable factor of the modern organisations functioning. Due to this, the interest in the subject of the 4th industrial revolution has grown in recent years. However, far too little attention has been paid to the measurement of readiness and implementation of key attributes in Czechia, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. Aim: The major objective of this study was to investigate the adaptation to Industry 4.0 in the Visegrád Group. Consequently, in the theoretical part both a historical context and a description of the main components of Industry 4.0 was introduced, which was the basis for the evaluation of the V4 transition toward Industry 4.0 in the empirical section. Materials and methods: Both quantitative (basic statistical analysis) and qualitative (critical analysis of the subject literature) methods were used in this investigation. The research data was drawn mainly from institutional reports and Eurostat database. Results: The investigation indicated that the transition towards Industry 4.0 in V4 countries is less advanced than in other European regions and need particular attention. Despite the relatively good results achieved in the field of robotisation, especially in the foreign-owned automotive industry, in general the Group lags behind the majority of Western and Baltic countries in terms of already adapted technologies, innovations and digital skills.
PL
Functioning of the Visegrad Group since its beginning was not an easy issue. V4 was established to integrate East-Central European countries into Euro-Atlantic structures in the atmosphere of cooperation. However, it was a partnership o f countries which in many cases guided by different interests. From the beginning, there was no sympathy inside the Group, but over time it changed. Since joining into the European Union in this cooperation experienced moments of common mobilizing such as: a struggle under the EU Cohesion Policy, the fight for the Union budgets, and the last one position against the welcome of refugees arriving to Europe. It should be noted that properly develop cooperation of Visegrad Group at the elementary level in areas such as: environmental protection, infrastructure, transport and energy projects and tourism. An important new motivation to this cooperation is founded in 2016 EU Battle Group of the Visegrad Group with almost 4 thousand soldiers.
EN
This research investigates the level of the gender pay gap and gender parity in the Visegrad Group countries in light of the changes that took place in the whole EU during the last decade. The following hypotheses accompany the research objective: (1) the level of the gender pay gap diminished significantly over the last decade in the V4 economies; (2) the V4 countries are following a path to achieve gender parity. Data were taken from Eurostat. The pay gap and the managerial occupations indicators were used to verify the research hypotheses. The empirical investigation did not let us reject the first hypothesis for Poland only. However, it should be rejected for the other V4 economies. In addition, the second hypothesis should be rejected.
EN
The article analyzes the framework of cooperation between the Visegrad Group countries and the challenges of new dimension of security in Europe. It tries to describe the prospects for the organization in a changing geopolitical environment and identify areas of successful cooperation between V4 countries. There are also discussed the issues of common market in gas and electricity in Central Europe, differences of military potentials and the position occupied by the V4 in the EU.
PL
Artykuł poddaje analizie ramy współpracy państw Grupy Wyszehradzkiej, problemy jej funkcjonowania w obliczu nowych wyzwań bezpieczeństwa w Europie. Podejmuje próbę nakreślenia perspektyw organizacji w zmieniającym się środowisku geopolitycznym i wskazania obszarów, w których współpraca między państwami V4 układa się dobrze. Omawiane są kwestie wspólnego rynku gazowego i elektrycznego dla Europy Środkowej, różnice potencjałów militarnych oraz pozycji zajmowanej przez V4 w UE.
EN
The aim of this article is to analyse the impact of selected macroeconomic indicators on mortgage loans in the V4. This group of countries was chosen because they are close, both geographically and economically. This paper tries to find reasons for possible differences or similarities between the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Poland and Hungary. The article analyses whose of the macroeconomic variables (GDP, inflation, the unemployment rate, and mortgage interest rate) affect the volume of mortgage loans. The article uses the tools of time series econometrics, especially the ADF test, Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) model, Error Correction Model (ECM), and the Granger causality test. It was found that there is a short-term relationship between the volume of mortgage loans and GDP for all countries, except Poland. Over a longer time series, however, a long-term relationship exists for all of countries between the volume of mortgage loans and GDP, the mortgage interest rate, and the unemployment rate. The used data is based on a quarterly time series running from 2005Q1 to 2019Q4.
EN
Recently the popularity of fiscal rules has been increasing also due to the impact of the macroeconomic and financial shocks on fiscal sustainability. This paper reviews supranational and national fiscal rules implemented in the Visegrad countries (V4). Namely, we base the review and comparison of fiscal rules on the existing literature and the empirical data from the European Commission. According to the Fiscal Rule Strength Index developed by the European Commission, Poland’s debt rule as of 1997 received the highest ranking. Poland also received the highest score based on the aggregated Fiscal Rules Index in 2009. The most influential in this respect is the application of an early adjustment mechanism which is triggered once the debt to GDP ratio exceeds 50%. Empirical analysis showed that effectiveness of fiscal rules differs across selected groups of countries.
EN
The current EU migration and asylum policy crisis has been perceived to constitute one of the most serious challenges for European security. The attitude of fear and reluctance towards admission of cultural others (including: refugees, asylum seekers and the immigrants) has been particularly visible in the V4 countries. The aim of this paper is therefore to examine the grounds of such a position with reference to general European tendencies as well as specific features of attitudes of Poland and Slovakia as the representatives of V4 countries in the light of their particular economic and social situation. Due to volume limitations the author will focus mainly on the two presented States. The decision regarding choice of Poland arises from the fact that as the only V4 State it has voted in favour of the mandatory quota of relocation of 120.000 refugees. Instead Slovakia constitutes the most vivid example pro-European parties changing rhetoric for more national which is quite transparent for the V4 countries. The whole analysis has been conducted in the specific context of relocation of the symbolic division of Europe an replacement of ideological Iron Curtain with cultural Velvet Curtain which leads to the phenomenon of culturalisation.
PL
Grupa Wyszehradzka (V4) jest nieformalną regionalną formą współpracy czterech państw Środkowej Europy – Polski, Czech, Słowacji i Węgier, które łączy nie tylko sąsiedztwo i podobne uwarunkowania geopolityczne, ale przede wszystkim wspólna historia, tradycja, kultura oraz wartości. Ideą utworzenia Grupy była intensyfikacja współpracy w zakresie budowy demokratycznych struktur państwowych oraz wolnorynkowej gospodarki, a w dalszej perspektywie uczestnictwo w procesie integracji europejskiej. Za datę jej powstania przyjmuje się 15 lutego 1991 r., kiedy to prezydenci Polski Lech Wałęsa i Czechosłowacji Václav Havel oraz premier Węgier József Antall podpisali w węgierskim mieście Wyszehrad wspólną deklarację określającą cele i warunki wzajemnej współpracy. Od 2004 r. wszystkie kraje V4 są członkami Unii Europejskiej, a Grupa Wyszehradzka stanowi forum wymiany doświadczeń oraz wypracowywania wspólnych stanowisk w sprawach istotnych dla przyszłości regionu i UE. Poza kwestiami europejskimi, współpraca w ramach V4 koncentruje się także na wzmacnianiu stabilności w Europie Środkowej, wymianie informacji, promocji wspólnoty kulturowej, a także kooperacji w zakresie kultury, nauki, edukacji oraz wymiany młodzieży. Priorytetowymi obszarami współpracy są rozbudowa infrastruktury transportowej oraz umacnianie bezpieczeństwa energetycznego w regionie. Istnieje również mechanizm współpracy z krajami trzecimi w formule „V4+”.
EN
The Visegrad Group (also knownasthe “VisegradFour” orsimply “V4”) reflects the effortsofthe countries ofthe Central European region to work together in a beroffields of common interest within the all-European integration. The Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia have always been part of a single civilization sharing culturaland intellectual values and common roots in diverse religious traditions, which they wish to preserve and further strengthen. The V4 was not createdas an alternative tothe all-European integrationefforts, nordoes it try to compete with the existing functional Central European structures. Its activities are in nowayaimed at is olationor the weakening of ties with the other countries. On the contrary the Group aims at encouraging optimum cooperation with all countries, in particular its neighbours, its ultimate interest being the democratic development in all parts of Europe.All the activities of the Visegrad Group are aimed at streng the ningstability in the Central European region. The participating countries perceive their cooperationas a allenge and its success as the best proof of their ability to integrate also into such structures, such asthe European Union.
EN
Migrations crisis, which was widely commented in the European media in the European media and public opinion in 2015, had some impact on the political parties in EU countries. This paper attempts to answer the question of how this problem affected right-wing parties in the V4. The author used the opinion polls from each country and tried to explain whether the crisis helped the right-wing parties to improve their position in national party systems.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono wyniki badań nad rozkładem sił w czterech państwach Grupy Wyszehradzkiej (Polska, Węgry, Czechy i Słowacja) w perspektywie podejścia powermetrycznego, według syntetycznego formalnego modelu pomiaru siły ekonomicznej, siły militarnej i siły geopolitycznej państwa oraz jego wskaźników pochodnych, wzmacniających lub osłabiających pozycję państwa w systemie. Model ten został opracowany przez polskiego badacza Mirosława Sułka (Uniwersytet Warszawski). Regionalny rozkład wszystkich trzech kategorii potęgi państw VG ma strukturę jednobiegunową, w której dominuje Polska z ponad pięćdziesięcioprocentowym udziałem w całkowitej potędze regionalnej struktury VG. Ocena rozkładu sił jest pierwszym krokiem do kompleksowej oceny gry o władzę i gry interesów w każdym systemie międzynarodowym.
EN
The article presents the results of research on the distribution of power in the four states of the Visegrad Group (Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, and the Slovak Republic) in the prospect of a powermetric approach, according to the synthetic formal model of measurement of economic power, military power, and geopolitical power of the state and its derivative indicators, which strengthen or weaken the position of the state in the system. This model has been developed by the Polish researcher Mirosław Sułek (Warsaw University). The regional distribution of all three categories of power of VG states has a unipolar structure, which is dominated by Poland with over fifty percent share in the total regional power of the VG structure. Assessment of the distribution of power is the first step to a comprehensive evaluation of the game of power and the game of interests in every international system.
PL
Artykuł jest prezentacją wyników analizy, w ramach której podjęto próbę porównania zmian pozycji konkurencyjnej Polski oraz pozostałych państw Grupy Wyszehradzkiej (GW-4) w okresie poakcesyjnym (lata 2004–2015). Przyjęto założenie, że Polska należy wśród państw GW-4 do tych, w których najbardziej wyraźnie wystąpiły zróżnicowane efekty członkostwa. W badaniu zastosowano analizę danych wtórnych, dotyczących filarów konkurencyjności gospodarki wyodrębnionych w Raportach „Global Competitiveness Report”, opracowywanych przez Światowe Forum Ekonomiczne. Artykuł kończy zestawienie najważniejszych wniosków wynikających z prezentowanej analizy.
EN
This article presents the results of an analysis comparing the competitive position of Poland and other countries of the Visegrad Group (V4) in the post‑accession period (2004–2015). The assumption is that among the V4 countries, Poland has joined those countries where the diverse effects of EU membership are clearly visible. In the study, analysis was applied to secondary data pertaining to pillars of economic competitiveness, as determined by the ‘Global Competitiveness Reports’ prepared by the World Economic Forum. The article ends with a list of vital conclusions based on the presented analysis.
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