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EN
The article deals with the electoral borders of the modern (state) communities in Europe after 1989. We are the wittnesses of big changes in the world nowadays. International migration is a very important phenomen of our age, which has an influence on almost every sphere in our life. National electoral regulation is not an exception. This problem has two main aspects - the question of electoral rights for emigrant citizens and the problem of electoral rights for non-citizen immigrants. The main criterias of the definition of political (electoral) membership are the following: the citizenship of the certain state, the residency in the country, and the duration of stay in the old or in the new country. Combination of these parallel criterias play a very important role in the definition of modern political communities. The current article distinguishes between three models of political-electoral communities. In the first model the combination of citizenship and residency is dominant, while in the second model the citizenship and in the third model the duration of stay has an important role too. Finally, the article is concerning with the European, especially with the Central European, so called Visegrad Group countries.
EN
The study systematised the preconditions, reasons, peculiarities, procedural aspects, legislative outline, and consequences of lustration processes in the Visegrad Group Countries, namely Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic. At the same time, the author based their work on the assumption that lustration – or purge of the officials – was one of the main prerequisites for legitimising political power as a result of the collapse of “old” autocratic communist regimes and the beginning of democratisation and consolidation of the countries of this region. In other words, the study was mainly aimed at clarifying the content and functions, legislative outline and regulation, practices and effects of lustration processes in post-autocratic and democratising political regimes of the Visegrad Group Countries. To do this, the meaning of the concept of “lustration” and the state of the study and understanding of its procedural manifestations and expected effects in the Visegrad Group Countries were first outlined. After that, the author studied and structured the political, legal, and institutional causes, the nature and types of lustration processes in the Visegrad Group Countries. Finally, a comparative analysis (in the format of individual case studies and regional comparisons) of logic, content, and practical implementation of lustration acts, processes and procedures in the analysed Visegrad Group Countries was carried out. As a result, it was concluded that lustration – at least symbolically and ideologically – was indeed a successful mechanism for legitimising a more successful transition from the previous or “old” autocratic regime to the new democratic political regime in the region. After all, a qualitative theorisation of the phenomenon, essence, and components of lustration processes was performed in the Visegrad Group Countries, and the region itself is now quite often held up as an example to other states in this context. However, in general, the practice of lustration in the region has shown that after the symbolic legitimisation of “new” government, in almost all Visegrad Group Countries lustration started to become less effective and increasingly manipulative and artificial.
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