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Reflexe novodobých českých dějin, sametové revoluce a současného vývoje v názorech veřejnosti

100%
Hampl S., Vinopal J., Šubrt J.
Naše společnost (Our Society)
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2011
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vol. 9
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issue 1
19-30
EN
This article describes the attitudes of the Czech public towards the Velvet Revolution and towards the social situation preceding and following it. The text deals with the general image of Velvet Revolution in the context of modern Czech history, tracks public opinion on this event, deals with evaluations of the period before and after November 1989, and handles assessments of the whole previous period. The event of the Velvet Revolution in Czech history is seen predominantly as a highlight, and as a positive phase in Czech history. Similarly, the stage that followed is seen in a predominantly positive light, although not so much as the change of political regime itself. However, there is a significant difference between how Czech public opinion judged the first and second decades after the Velvet Revolution. According to the public, not all areas of society have showed improvement during the latter period; in some cases developments are viewed negatively.
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100 Years of Statehood of Czechoslovakia and Poland. Similarities and Differences

100%
Kruk M.
Krytyka Prawa. Niezależne studia nad prawem
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2019
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vol. 11
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issue 1
215-237
EN
100 years of constitutionalism of two neighbouring European states – Czechoslovakia, later becoming the Czech Republic, and Poland – encourage a reflection on the paths of development of their respective constitutions, on the historical stages and successive olitical transformations, not just in the context of individual constitutionalisms of each of those states but with an emphasis on the similarities and differences in this domain. And this is what this study focuses on. Starting from the common fate of rebirth of both states after WWI through the inter-war efforts to establish democratic constitutional systems and the obstacles found on the way, followed by the post-WWII period of real socialism ending with the era of transformations and stabilisation as democratic states of law. The text explores all the similarities found in both general aspects – like the references to the European tradition of parliamentary governance – and in certain specific solutions – like the differences in the concept of the two-chamber parliament. But there are also situations occurring in only one of the states, e.g. the federalisation of Czechoslovakia, the emergence of two separate states of the Czechs and Slovaks, or the differences in the course and sequence of events of democratic transformations in each of the states in the 1980s, which brings us to the conclusion that despite all the possible differences, the two constitutional systems have actually been very similar to each other.
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Kam s nimi? Hesla a nápisy v ulicích z listopadu 1989

88%
Petráňová L.
Český lid: etnologický časopis (Český lid: Ethnological journal)
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2009
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vol. 96
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issue 4
421-444
EN
From a distance of twenty years the author contemplates the short literary texts that accompanied the downfall of the totalitarian regime in Czechoslovakia in the year 1989. Slogans and inscriptions, hanged out by hundreds on the busy places of political protests, belong to the symbols shared in the process of social interaction and, at the same time, are distinguished by many aspects that classify them as folklore. The analysis of their unique character, historical importance and their possible use by other scientific disciplines is based in the collection of these communicates, preserved at the Institute of Ethnology of the Czech Academy of Sciences in Prague.
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Ostravské činoherní divadlo v procesu transformace po listopadu 1989

75%
Štefanides J.
Theatralia: Revue současného myšlení o divadelní kultuře (Theatralia: The revue of contemporary thought on theatre culture)
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2015
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vol. 18
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issue 1
11-31
EN
The aim of the present paper is to describe the process of transformation theatres in Ostrava underwent after the so-called Velvet Revolution in 1989, which was part of broader social and political changes inciting and following the formation of the Czech democracy. The period of theatre transformation in Ostrava is delimited by the revolution in 1989 and the year 1997 when theatre festival OST-RA-VAR was established to invite theatre practitioners with critics, teachers and students into a dialogue about theatre in the region. The fruitful collaboration helped to form unique theatrical environment, which is nowadays generally acknowledged to be a noteworthy phenomenon of the Czech theatre culture.
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100 lat państwowości czechosłowackiej i polskiej. Podobieństwa i różnice

75%
Kruk M.
Krytyka Prawa. Niezależne studia nad prawem
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2019
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vol. 11
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issue 1
191-214
EN
100 years of constitutionalism of two neighbouring European states – Czechoslovakia, later becoming the Czech Republic, and Poland – encourage a reflection on the paths of development of their respective constitutions, on the historical stages and successive political transformations, not just in the context of individual constitutionalisms of each of those states but with an emphasis on the similarities and differences in this domain. And this is what this study focuses on. Starting from the common fate of rebirth of both states after WWI through the inter-war efforts to establish democratic constitutional systems and the obstacles found on the way, followed by the post-WWII period of real socialism ending with the era of transformations and stabilisation as democratic states of law. The text explores all the similarities found in both general aspects – like the references to the European tradition of parliamentary governance – and in certain specific solutions – like the differences in the concept of the two-chamber parliament. But there are also situations occurring in only one of the states, e.g. the federalisation of Czechoslovakia, the emergence of two separate states of the Czechs and Slovaks, or the differences in the course and sequence of events of democratic transformations in each of the states in the 1980s (martial law in Poland and the Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia), which brings us to the conclusion that despite all the possible differences, the two constitutional systems have actually been very similar to each other.
PL
100-lecie konstytucjonalizmu dwu sąsiednich państw europejskich – Czechosłowacji a potem Republiki Czeskiej i Polski – skłania do rozważań o drodze rozwoju ich konstytucji, etapach historycznych i kolejnych zmianach ustrojowych, nie tylko w kontekście własnego konstytucjonalizmu każdego z nich, ale także podobieństw i różnic. Temu właśnie poświęcone jest niniejsze studium. Począwszy od wspólnego losu odrodzenia obu państw po I wojnie światowej, poprzez międzywojenne budowanie demokratycznego ustroju konstytucyjnego i przeszkody, jakie na tej drodze napotykały, poprzez okres po II wojnie światowej, kiedy pozostawały w warunkach realnego socjalizmu, a wreszcie po czas transformacji i stabilizacji demokratycznego państwa prawa. W tekście śledzi się zarówno wszystkie podobieństwa, zarówno co do kwestii generalnych, jak np. nawiązywania do europejskiej tradycji rządów parlamentarnych, jak i w niektórych szczegółowych rozwiązaniach, jak przykładowo różnice w koncepcji dwuizbowości parlamentów. Ale pokazuje się też specyficzne sytuacje, właściwe tylko jednemu z tych państw, np. federalizację Czechosłowacji czy powstanie oddzielnych państw Czechów i Słowaków albo różnice w przebiegu i chronologii transformacji demokratycznej w każdym z państw w latach 80. (stan wojenny w Polsce i aksamitna rewolucja w Czechosłowacji), aby ostatecznie wskazać, że – mimo wszelkich różnic – bliskość obu systemów konstytucyjnych była bardzo znaczna.
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Theoretical Approaches to Public Spaces and their Relevance to an Interpretation of the Czech Student Movement in 1989

75%
Cviklová L.
Prager wirtschafts- und sozialhistorische Mitteilungen - Prague Economic and Social History Papers
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2019
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issue 30
21-41
EN
When analyzing three theoretical frameworks of public spaces, the papers highlighted some relevant aspects of the course of the Velvet Revolution in former Czechoslovakia in 1989. The collection of empirical data from interviews with former striking students focused on the activities of the students and teachers in the Faculty of Arts of Charles University, as well as a sudden renewal of various parallel public spaces, characteristic of liberal societies. These unique forms of public action, and the emergence of horizontal public domains, occurred not only as a result of the students’ and teachers’ efforts, but also thanks to the interest of those representatives of Czech cultural and political life who, under the totalitarian regime, had been barred from practicing their professions , and in November made the decision to join the umbrella group Občanské Fórum (Civic Forum). Czech researchers, specifically historians, have collected a wealth of information regarding the course of the national students’ mobilization against the last stage of the Czechoslovak post-totalitarian regime. Nevertheless, insufficient attention has been paid to a theoretical explanation of the November protestations, and an elucidation of the genealogy and mechanisms of the alternative public realms. Dozens of interviews with former striking students have revealed that the liberation of the public spaces in the Faculty of Arts at Charles University had been achieved by unsatisfied students and later assisted by activists from diverse informal networks as well as by ordinary citizens. In November and December 1989 a substantial segment of the Czech population showed their interest in engaging with the striking students and sparked off fruitful informal debates combining generational, political, and professional perspectives.
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Rewolucja porzucona przez własne dzieci, czyli o paradoksie niepolitycznej polityki widzianym z Polski

63%
Uczkiewicz K.
Miscellanea Posttotalitariana Wratislaviensia
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2015
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vol. 3: Elity w krajach Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej po roku 1989
43 - 56
EN
The events taking place during the Autumn of Nations 1989 transformed Central Europe so significantly that — though in the majority of Eastern Bloc countries it happened without bloodshed — the change may be called revolutionary. Later fate and life choices of the leaders and participants of the 1989 revolution in Poland and Czechoslovakia have been as different as their ways to democracy. Difference is a source of mutual fascination, which in Poland has centered mostly around the person of Václav Havel. Why did the citizens of Czechoslovakia — who at the end of 1989 had organized mass demonstrations and a general strike throughout the whole country, and who had been ready to take a great risk to express their disapproval of the government’s policy — having achieved instant victory, peacefully return home and leave the political scene to officials and technocrats? Why did the ethos and discourse of the Velvet Revolution remain alive only in a narrow circle of intellectuals — former dissidents? Why did the new elite reduce its significance to the role of an effective gadget for the purpose of the Western media? The article presents the fate of the “children of the Velvet Revolution” as seen from the Polish perspective.
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"Sametová" zkušenost : studentští revolucionáři z listopadu 1989, Václav Havel a (nepolitická) politika

63%
Wohlmuth Markupová J.
Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)
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2019
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vol. 26
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issue 2-3
257-287
EN
The authoress presents partial results of an oral history time-lapse research project involving a hundred narrators from among former university students who participated in the students’ strike in November 1989, one of the principal triggers of the so-called Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia. In doing so, she mainly draws from her chapter in the forthcoming book being prepared by a team of authors led by Miroslav Vaněk and titled Sto studentských evolucí: Vysokoškolští studenti roku 1989. Životopisná vyprávění v časosběrné perspektivě [A hundred students’ evolutions: University students of 1989. Biographical narrations in a time-lapse perspective] (Prague, Academia 2019), which is a follow-on of a similar project, Sto studentských revolucí [A hundred students’ revolutions], implemented twenty years ago. The authoress first briefly introduces the project, recaps its findings so far, and focuses on how the narrators construe the effect of their revolutionary experience on their lives. In her opinion, interviews with the narrators suggest that the former student revolutionaries assigned key and positive importance of the Velvet Revolution for their personal and social evolution. However, they differ in how they reflect their revolutionary experience in their own civic attitudes, particularly in terms of their personal involvement in the public sphere. The authoress distinguishes three ideal type strategies in their attitudes to their own past, which she labels “revolution as a commitment”, “revolution as a duty fulfilled”, and “revolution as a prepared coincidence”. While the first two groups (also the most numerous ones) are characterized by the narrators’ continuing interest in public affairs, and they differ only in whether should be personally involved in public affairs (the first group) or leave the task to younger generations (the second group), the third group questions the very premise that activities of citizens can trigger desirable changes in the society. In addition, the authoress focuses on forms and transformations of public activities of the narrators since 1989, examining their potential inspirations. In her opinion, the key factor determining the narrators’ opinions and attitudes in this regard is their personal experience of the Velvet Revolution which is, as a rule, personified and symbolized by the person of the dissident and first post-Communist president Václav Havel (1936–2011). Using Havel’s texts of the early 1990s and his thoughts about the civic society and non-political politics, she analyses interviews with the former student revolutionaries, attempting to find why even the narrators belonging to the first (most committed) group generally gravitate toward the role of citizen activists and, save for a few exceptions, systematically avoid traditional party politics.
CS
Autorka prezentuje dílčí výsledky orálněhistorického časosběrného výzkumu se stovkou narátorů z řad někdejších vysokoškolských studentů a studentek, kteří se účastnili studentské stávky v listopadu 1989, jež byla jedním z hlavních impulzů takzvané sametové revoluce v Československu. Vychází přitom ze své kapitoly v připravované knize autorského kolektivu pod vedením Miroslava Vaňka Sto studentských evolucí: Vysokoškolští studenti roku 1989. Životopisná vyprávění v časosběrné perspektivě (Praha, Academia 2019), která navazuje na podobně koncipovaný projekt Sto studentských revolucí, realizovaný před dvaceti lety. Autorka nejprve stručně představuje celý projekt, rekapituluje dosavadní zjištění a zaměřuje se na způsoby, jakými narátoři konstruují vliv revoluční zkušenosti na své životy. Z provedených rozhovorů podle ní vyplývá teze o klíčovém a pozitivním významu, který bývalí studentští revolucionáři obecně přisuzují sametové revoluci v jejich osobním i společenském vývoji. Vzájemně se však odlišují v tom, jaké důsledky vyvozují ze své revoluční zkušenosti pro vlastní občanské postoje, zejména ve smyslu osobní angažovanosti ve veřejné sféře. Autorka rozlišila tři ideálnětypické strategie v jejich vztahování k vlastní minulosti. které nazývá „revoluce jako závazek“, „revoluce jako splněná povinnost“ a „revoluce jako připravená náhoda“. Zatímco pro první dvě (zároveň nejpočetnější) skupiny narátorů je charakteristický trvalý zájem o veřejné dění a rozcházejí se až v názoru, zda se mají sami veřejně angažovat (první skupina), anebo tento úkol připadá mladší generaci (druhá skupina), třetí skupina zpochybňuje samotnou premisu, že občanská aktivita může být hybatelem kýžených změn ve společnosti. Autorka se dále zaměřuje na podoby a proměny veřejné činnosti narátorů po roce 1989 a zkoumá jejich možné inspirace. Určující faktor pro jejich smýšlení a postoje v této sféře spatřuje právě v osobním zážitku sametové revoluce, která je většinou personifikována a symbolizována postavou disidenta a prvního postkomunistického prezidenta Václava Havla (1936–2011). Na základě Havlových textů z raných devadesátých let a jeho myšlenek o občanské společnosti a nepolitické politice poté analyzuje rozhovory s někdejšími studentskými revolucionáři a hledá odpovědi na otázku, proč i narátoři z první (nejangažovanější) skupiny dlouhodobě tíhnou k roli občanských aktivistů a tradiční stranické politice se až na výjimky systematicky vyhýbají.
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Rok 1989 w literaturze słowackiej – problematyczna cezura

63%
Majerek R.
Prace Filologiczne. Literaturoznawstwo
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2021
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issue 11 (14)
93-106
EN
Unarguably the breakthrough nature of the revolutions of 1989 had their impact on the shape of the political system of the former Soviet bloc countries, including Slovakia. From the point of view of literature this breakthrough moment is not that obvious as from the 1990s there have been debates on various detailed aspects and contexts referring to this period of transformation. The author of this article discusses factors such as pluralism of literary institutions, development of publishing market, the impact of market mechanisms on literary life, and reintegration of literary circulation that establish a condition of Slovak literature the country has never been in before. What changes after 1989 is the perception of the writer’s role and thus a new dominant model of an unconstrained writer is being shaped. As to the fields of poetics and text structure, what is most difficult to identify is the unequivocally original solutions as immediately after 1989 no new movement or literary trend comes into being. Yet, the author makes a point that the very fact that the literary texts function in a completely new system of dependencies allows for regarding the year 1989 as a literary breakthrough. This approach, however, implies that the autonomous, formalistic and structuralist model of understanding the history of literature has to be abandoned.
PL
Przełomowy charakter wydarzeń roku 1989 dla kształtu systemu politycznego w krajach byłego bloku komunistycznego, w tym Słowacji, nie ulega wątpliwości. W dziedzinie literatury cezura ta nie jest tak oczywista, od lat dziewięćdziesiątych XX w. prowadzone są dyskusje poświęcone różnym szczegółowym aspektom i kontekstom okresu transformacji. Autor artykułu omawia zjawiska, które potwierdzają nową sytuację literatury słowackiej: pluralizm instytucji literackich, rozwój rynku wydawniczego, wpływ mechanizmów rynkowych na życie literackie, reintegrację obiegów literackich. Po 1989 r. zmieniają się także wyobrażenia o roli pisarza, dominujący staje się model indywidualistyczny. W dziedzinie poetyki i struktury tekstów najtrudniej wskazać zdecydowanie nowe rozwiązania, bezpośrednio po 1989 r. nie pojawił się nowy prąd czy tendencja literacka. Autor podkreśla jednak, że sam fakt usytuowania i funkcjonowania tekstów literackich w zupełnie nowym systemie relacji pozwala na potraktowanie 1989 r. w kategoriach przełomu literackiego. Podejście takie wiąże się z rezygnacją z autonomicznego, formalistyczno-strukturalistycznego modelu rozumienia historii literatury.
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„Napájeni ze stejného zdroje“ Thatcherismus a Československo po sametové revoluci

63%
Šmigol O.
Dvacáté století - The Twentieth Century
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2017
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vol. 9
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issue 1
99-119
EN
The views and policies of the British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, which became known as Thatcherism, were mirrored in the newly democratic Czechoslovakia. Democratic left respected her for the principled critique of the Soviet bloc, but it was the Czechoslovak, or more accurately Czech right, which was directly inspired by her programme. Under the leadership of the Finance Minister and later Prime Minister Václav Klaus Czechoslovakia undertook the most radical economic reform of all post-communist countries. British conservatism inspired the Czech right, partly indirectly, as the Czech politician read similar conservative thinkers and economists as the people surrounding Thatcher, but there is also direct inspiration. Czechoslovak officials closely studied British privatisation. The British provided advisers, money and organised conferences, all to achieve a smooth reform process. The result was a clear imprint of Thatcherism on the Czechoslovak economic reform and on the newly constituted Czech right.
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