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EN
The crisis in Venezuela has reached a deadlock. Judging by the events of the last three months, we cannot expect anything else but further clashes between the government and protesters, under tacit approval of the international community and amidst rising concern about army intervention. If protests do not lead to any meaningful change, they may progressively lose momentum, thus helping the corrupt and inept government of Nicolás Maduro to stay in power, despite the fact he let the Venezuelan National Guard shoot at protesters. We may also see a “palace coup”, with a government transition within the chavista movement. Finally, the conflict may intensify, leading to further bloodshed and a breakdown of the structures of the state. As long as there is no credible perspective of a political dialogue, Venezuela will face three more-or-less evil scenarios.
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Popular Catholic Education in Venezuela

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EN
To a Polish reader, Venezuela is far away, despite the globalized world in which we live. The same is true in reverse: few Venezuelans know where to locate Poland on a map of Europe. However that fact does not prevent us from taking this opportunity to – by using the cont of this volume – build bridges between the two countries. There can be several pillars upon which to build, the most important of which is the common Catholic religious culture that we share. A historical tour will help explain the importance of Catholic education provided in the educational institutions dependent on the Catholic Church.
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Overview of Human Rights in Venezuela

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EN
Formally constituted as a democracy, Venezuela has experienced a significant deterioration in the situation of human rights during the last decade. Such deterioration is partly due to an increasing concentration of power in the Executive branch which is reflected in the lack of independence of other branches of the State. The lack of independence – particularly in the judiciary and its subsidiary bodies – results in an increasing impunity in human rights related crimes. The present paper shows how the institutional framework has been dismantled and converted into a tool of a political project, with negative effects on human rights.
EN
Urban violence enters into, and creates interstices in both public and private life of Venezuelans and, as revealed by academic studies to the mass media, has made Caracas one of the most chaotic and unsafe cities in the world by the number of murders, robberies, and kidnappings, with latent cultural anxiety (Martin‑Barbero), in which the majority of its inhabitants lives. Hence that is drawn around an imaginary, in some cases established by their own players. In this paper, we will seek an approach to urban violence, emphasizing the dynamics of new forms of representation, and the emergence of alternative discourses of hegemony, which set up a fresh look on it.
EN
This paper will try to emphasize how, in recent years, steps have been taken aimed at replacing the pluralist and decentralized State foreseen in the Constitution for a different model, based on the penetration of the socialism in the different community spaces, which constitutes the foundation for the establishment of a new scheme of production, of conviviality and legitimacy. It will highlight the contradictions between the model presented as desirable and the real state policies and judgments
EN
The National Armed Forces were created in Venezuela at the beginning of the 20th century. Gradually they became the main instrument in the political game and were used in forming a centralized national state. Along with subsequent transformations of the political system the position of the Armed Forces was getting stronger and they started to expand their role. The present article offers an analysis of the position and role of the Armed Forces in the process of transformation of the state in Venezuela. I will focus my attention on the changes that took place in the period of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela. I will also analyze some earlier crucial phases in the 20th century history of the formation of the Venezuelan state.
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EN
The Catholic Church is a binding element for understanding the historical process of Venezuela after the three hundred years of Spanish rule, during which time, and along with the various forms of institutions inherited from the mother country, customs and values were established that contributed to the development of the country. In this essay, we make an assessment of the role of the Catholic Church during the independence process, of its conflicts with the new republic during the second half of the nineteenth century, and the gradual recovery of its social presence during the dictatorship of Juan Vicente Gómez. Then, with the onset of representative democracy, the Church’s relation with the political power becomes regularized within a legal framework that allows it to continue in the exercise of his pastoral duties in a climate of respect and collaboration, but with a critical sense to the great problems of society.
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Environmental Challenges of an Oil-Rent Based Economy

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EN
This paper addresses the environmental issues taking place in Venezuela an oil rent‑based economy and a mono‑producing country. This article reports on the transformations that occurred during the last ninety years since oil exploration began. The development style of a mono‑producing country has had direct consequences in terms of the generated social and environmental impacts. But also, in terms of a number of other issues that have affected the relationship between society and nature and that has given very specific characteristics to that relationship. In consequence, the current environmental management must face a series of challenges. This paper proposes the outline of the environmental strategy that must be followed: a more challenging environmental management of oil industry; improvement of urban environmental management; sustainable management of water resources; biodiversity conservation; and sustainable development education. In conclusion it formulates some ideas that revile the most important lessons from the Venezuelan experience regarding environmental management.
EN
The purpose of the paper is to analyze the activity undertaken by the Organization of American States (OAS) in the crisis in Venezuela in the 21st century. The OAS, in accordance with the Inter-American Democratic Charter of 2001, is committed to providing assistance to all Latin American States to resolve the existing political crisis through mediation. The role of the OAS mediator is to seek a peaceful resolution of the conflict, on the one hand, and the promotion of democracy, on the other. The analysis of the actions undertaken by the OAS in Venezuela, the mediation and its results will serve to answer the question of what role the OAS currently plays in the resolution of the internal conflicts of the States in the Latin American region.
ES
El objetivo del artículo es analizar la actividad emprendida por la Organización de los Estados Americanos (OEA) durante la crisis estatal en Venezuela en los últimos años. La OEA, de acuerdo con la Carta Democrática Interamericana de 2001, se compromete a brindar asistencia a todos los Estados latinoamericanos para resolver la crisis política existente a través de la mediación. El papel del mediador de la OEA es buscar una resolución pacífica del conflicto, por un lado, y la promoción de la democracia, por el otro. El análisis de las acciones emprendidas por la OEA en Venezuela, la mediación y sus resultados servirán para responder a la pregunta sobre qué función cumple actualmente la OEA en la resolución de los conflictos internos de los Estados en la región latinoamericana.
ES
En el presente artículo se efectúa un análisis del desarrollo histórico como también las normas jurídicas y formas institucionales de las relaciones entre el Estado y las organizaciones religiosas en Venezuela. La hipótesis del trabajo es que podemos observar una evolución de las relaciones mencionadas. Este fenómeno se muestra en la transición desde el modelo del Estado confesional de carácter moderno al modelo de separación coordinada. Para verificar la hipótesis investigativa adoptada, efectuaremos un análisis del derecho eclesiástico venezolano en el aspecto del sujeto y objeto de la libertad de conciencia, religión y de culto.
EN
This article analyzes the historical development as well as the legal regulations and institutional forms of relations between the State and religious organizations in Venezuela. The working hypothesis is that we can observe an evolution of these relations. This phenomenon can be noticed in the transition from the model of a modern confessional state towards the model of a coordinated separation. In order to verify our hypothesis we will carry out an analysis of the Venezuelan ecclesiastic law from the point of view of the subject and object of the freedom of conscience, religion and worship
PL
Narodowe Siły Zbrojne w Wenezueli zostały utworzone w początkach XX wieku i stopniowo stały się głównym instrumentem gry politycznej oraz kształtowania scentralizowanego państwa narodowego. Wraz ze zmianami wprowadzanymi do systemu politycznego umacniało się znaczenie i podmiotowy charakter sił zbrojnych, a także ulegał rozszerzeniu katalog ról pełnionych przez tę instytucję. Artykuł podejmuje analizę pozycji i roli sił zbrojnych w procesie przekształcania państwa w Wenezueli. Rozważania skoncentruję głównie na zmianach, które nastąpiły w okresie Boliwariańskiej Republiki Wenezueli. Definiując jednakże pozycję i rolę sił zbrojnych przeanalizuję także wcześniejsze przełomowe etapy XX wiecznej historii kształtowania państwa wenezuelskiego.
EN
Th e aim of this study was to explore the reasons why the United States supported the pro-Western candidate for Venezuelan President Juan Guaidó in January 2019. To achieve this goal, Walt’s balance of threat was employed. This theory assumes that states try to balance potential threats. The study concludes that the United States felt threatened by Russia’s recent actions in Venezuela and the entire Latin American region. Therefore, the United States imposed sanctions on Maduro’s regime and successfully balanced the international system through international organisations. Th is case study serves as a good example of how balance of threat theory can be used.
EN
Convinced that archaeology as a past‑oriented discipline should exert a transformative impact on the present, we discuss a series of initiatives that aim at interweaving the past of the Los Roques Archipelago, located 135 km off the central coast of Venezuela, into its present‑day community life. Pioneering archaeological research carried out on these islands since 1982 revealed an unexpectedly rich volume of diversified artifacts and contextual information on the Amerindian seamen who seasonally exploited the local natural resources between A.D. 1200 and 1500. We are confident that despite the historical discontinuity between the pre‑Hispanic seamen and the current population of the archipelago, the vibrant and colorful archaeological past will reach the present‑day inhabitants, enriching their socio‑cultural identity and influencing their way of life that currently oscillates entrapped between fishing and tourism‑oriented activities. We discuss the aims and methodology of community archeology activities that include talks, exhibits, publications, documentary films and – above all – archaeological workshops that bring together the archaeologists and Los Roques schoolchildren in experiential archaeological events.
PL
Celem artykułu jest określenie roli odgrywanej przez Najwyższy Trybunał Sprawiedliwości w systemie politycznym współczesnej Wenezueli oraz zakresu rzeczywistego wpływu władzy wykonawczej na sądownictwo. Sformułowany problem badawczy dotyczy ustalenia faktycznego znaczenia Trybunału w utrzymaniu chavistów u władzy. Artykuł porównuje kompetencje materialnoprawne Najwyższego Trybunału Sprawiedliwości z realiami politycznymi ostatnich lat oraz wskazuje główne powody, dla których działania Trybunału podejmowane w ostatnich latach budzą tak wiele kontrowersji. Wskazano, że kontrola chavistów nad Najwyższym Trybunałem Sprawiedliwości jest istotnym czynnikiem umożliwiającym zwolennikom Nicolasa Maduro sprawowanie sądowej i pozasądowej kontroli nad instytucjami sądownictwa oraz wpływanie na władzę ustawodawczą.
EN
The aim of this article is to define the role played by the Supreme Tribunal of Justice in the political system of contemporary Venezuela and determine the extent of the executive branch’s actual influence on the judiciary. The research problem formulated by the author concerns the determination of the actual importance of the Tribunal in keeping the Chavistas in power. The paper compares the substantive legal competences of the Supreme Tribunal of Justice with the political realities of the recent years and shows the main reasons why the Tribunal’s activities undertaken in recent years have raised so much controversy. It has been pointed out that the Chavistas’ control of the Supreme Tribunal of Justice is a meaningful factor enabling the supporters of Nicolas Maduro to exercise judicial and extrajudicial control over the institutions of the judiciary and influence the legislature
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Armed Forces and Politics in the Bolivarian Revolution

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EN
The set of changes which were introduced in Venezuelan society in February 1999 with the establishment of the Bolivarian Revolution found a privileged expression in the National Armed Forces members’ way of thinking, organization and action, to the point that it significantly impacted the civil‑military relations model Venezuela implemented during the liberal representative democratic system (1958‑1998). Currently, an emerging type of civil‑military relations has been established which is mainly marked, by military politicization and the military colonization of Venezuelan civil services. A critical interpretation of this process is the focus of this paper.
EN
Civil Society and social movements have been heralded as vehicles for democratization in Latin America under the assumption that increased citizen participation in the political process could only strengthen democratic culture. After decades of social mobilization, participatory democracy was institutionalized in the Venezuelan Constitution of 1999 endowing Civil Society with unprecedented political powers and effectively legitimizing Civil Society’s incursion into the political. While this institutionalization may have fomented democratic practices; it also unleashed a wave of violent confrontations between pro-Chávez and anti-Chávez forces weakening Venezuela’s democratic culture in their wake. We explore how the ethical principles attributed to Civil Society were undermined by conflicts fueled by polarization and increased citizen participation in the political process.
EN
The present paper is a review of social policies of the Venezuelan government in the president Hugo Chavez's era. On the basis of studies of numerical and qualitative data deriving mainly from Latin American literature it shows the ideological founda-tions, the way of implementation and the results of main policies conducted in the years 1999-2013. A shortened evaluation of the effectiveness of some aspects of the Bolivari-an strategy is shown
EN
This paper analyzes government communications in Venezuela under the administration of Hugo Chávez, whose focal point is the “Bolivarian Revolution”. The communications model is heavily characterized by populism and personality politics, as concluded when analyzing three significant moments for the democratic governability of Hugo Chávez’s administration: his ratification or re‑election in office in the years 2000, 2004 and 2006. The elaboration of public policy plans in presidential addresses was studied given the importance of communications within government strategies.
PT
Diante da incontestável relevância da mídia como campo de construção de sentidos sobre a soci-edade pós-industrial e seus conflitos, a proposta deste artigo é analisar o potencial discursivo das coberturas jornalísticas sobre os processos de deslocamento humano, por meio do estudo de caso interno da América Latina. Trata-se da imigração dos venezuelanos para o Brasil iniciada em 2015, pela porta do estado de Roraima, e o processo de interiorização desses imigrantes para ou-tros estados do país, desencadeado em abril de 2018. Pela ampla repercussão, por meio de co-mentários virtuais de matérias veiculadas no portal de notícias G1, das Organizações Globo, construímos nosso corpus com as três primeiras sobre o tema. A análise interroga os sentidos de identidade nacional indicados nas práticas de recepção das notícias do êxodo venezuelano para o Brasil. Abordamos o problema a partir de pensadores da comunicação e da cultura, como Jesús Martín-Barbero e Néstor García Canclini e estudiosos das questões de identidade, história e na-cionalidade, como Stuart Hall e Sérgio Buarque de Holanda. Os dados indicam o retorno da po-lêmica em torno das interpretações do “homem cordial” buarqueano, que permite compreender a recepção do brasileiro às notícias do corpus analisado.
EN
Faced with the undeniable relevance of the media as a field of construction of meanings about post-industrial society and its conflicts, this article analyzes the discursive potential of coverages to influence the processes of human displacement, through a case study in Latin America. The coverage analyzed the immigration of Venezuelans to Brazil starting in 2015, on route through the state of Roraima (North of Brazil), and the process of internalization of these immigrants to other states of the country; I assume the coverage was released in Apr 2018. Through virtual comments on the website of G1 news, Globo Organizations, we have built our corpus with the first three articles on the subject. The analysis questions the meanings of national identity indi-cated in the practices of receiving the news of Venezuelan exodus to Brazil. We approach the problem from the perspective of scholars of communication and culture, such as Jesús Martín-Barbero and Néstor Garcia Canclini and scholars of identity, history and nationality issues, such as Stuart Hall and Sérgio Buarque de Holanda. The data indicate the return of the controversy of interpretations of the “cordial man” (according to Buarque), allowing the understanding of the reception of Brazilians to the news of the analyzed corpus.
ES
En el presente artículo se efectúa un análisis de la situación jurídica de los pueblos indígenas en Venezuela. En los años 90., la llamada “década de los pueblos indígenas”, aparecieron nuevas formas legales e institucionales en cuanto a la representación y participación de las comunidades indígenas en el marco del funcionamiento de los órganos e instituciones estatales. En la República Bolivariana de Venezuela, los derechos de los pueblos indígenas, garantizados por la Constitución de 1999 y otras leyes promulgadas en los años 2001-2009, se basan en la definición de la nación multiétnica y multicultural. Así pues, está bien fundada la pregunta si la pertenencia a un grupo étnico du-rante la transformación sistémica puede convertirse en el capital político. Por lo tanto, se propone reflexionar sobre las soluciones jurídicas e institucionales así como también los dilemas que aparecen en relación con la representación y participación. Para conseguir los objetivos propuestos se analiza la posición de los pueblos indígenas sobre la base de las normas jurídicas de los años 1999-2009, el alcance y las formas de la representación política y participación de la población indígena en el proceso de la transformación sistémica. Propongo la tesis de que la participación de los pueblos indígenas venezolanos en la actividad del Estado y la co-responsabilidad para su funcionamiento, respetando la soberanía y autonomía de los indios, están con-dicionadas por la evolución del proyecto político del gobierno de Hugo Chávez.
EN
This article analyzes the legal status of indigenous peoples in Venezuela. From the beginning of the 90's, the so-called “Decade of Indigenous Peoples”, new legal and institutional forms of representation and participation of indigenous population were created within the framework of state entities and institutions. In the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela the rights guaranteed to indigenous peoples by the Constitution of 1999 and other laws promulgated in the years 2001-2009 are based on the definition of a multi-ethnic and multicultural nation. Thus, there arises a question whether belonging to an ethnic group has become political capital during the transformation of the political system. Therefore, the proposal is to reflect upon the implemented legal and institutional solutions as well as the dilemmas that arise in the area of representation and participation. In order to achieve the proposed goals the author analyzes the position of in-digenous peoples on the basis of the legal regulations from the years 1999-2009, as well as the scope and forms of political representation and participation of indigenous population in the process of the political system transformation. In my opinion the parti-cipation of Venezuelan indigenous peoples in the activity of the State and their co-responsibility for its functioning, as well as respecting sovereignty and autonomy of Native Americans, are conditioned by the evolution of the Hugo Chávez government's political project.
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