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EN
The Icelandic sagas are a major source of information on the Vikings and their fighting prowess. In these stories, several mysterious pole-weapons appear, which are often called “halberds”, for lack of a better word. In order to better identify what these weapons could have been, and to provide a better understanding of how the sagas relate to the Viking-age events they describe, we confront textual and archaeological evidence for several of these weapons (the höggspjót, the atgeirr, the kesja, the krókspjót, the bryntroll and the fleinn), keeping in mind the contextualisation of their appearances in sagas. The description of the use of each weapon allows to pick several candidates likely to correspond to the studied word. Without a perfect knowledge of what context the authors of the sagas wanted to describe, it appears to be impossible to give a final answer. However, we show that some specific types of spears are good candidates for some of the studied weapons.
EN
The article is a short summary of the author’s PhD thesis, analysing the late Viking Age cemetery of Kopparsvik on the island of Gotland, Sweden. The cemetery of Kopparsvik has to be seen in close relation to an early emporium as predecessor of present-day Visby, and its evaluation and publication will give new insights into the establishment and function of an early trading community. Furthermore, many burials at Kopparsvik show unusual features – namely, an astonishingly high number of prone burials and tooth modification, that demonstrate the consolidation of new social and religious ideologies at the threshold between the heathen Scandinavian Viking Age and the Christian European Middle Ages
EN
Jelling has been on UNESCO ’s list of World Heritage Sites since 1994. Jelling was the first site in Denmark on the prestigious list, which includes the most valuable parts of Nature and Cultural Heritage in the world. The Jelling Monuments are among the most stately and noble monuments in Denmark’s history. In 1994 they consisted of two huge burial mounds, two rune stones and a church situated between the burial mounds. Research excavations carried out between 2006 and 2013 revealed a huge palisade, which encircled the area – three houses of Trelleborg-type and the largest ship setting seen in the Nordic countries in the Viking Age. These new discoveries did not only revolutionise the interpretation of the site, but also led to a minor boundary modification of the original inscription in 2018. The Jelling Monuments are one of the most visited historical/archaeological sites in Denmark. Following the conference held in 2017 in Zamość, Poland, which concerned management of cultural heritage outside of major cultural centres, I would like to contribute to this topic with some examples, thoughts and challenges related to our work with the cultural heritage management in Jelling
EN
By comparing archaeological finds with literary evidence this article seeks to reconstruct the role of drinking horns during the Viking Age. After an overview of drinking horns as represented in archaeology, several literary texts, predominantly Medieval Icelandic sagas, will be studied to shed further light on how drinking horns were seen and used. Drinking horns were used as a literary motif in these texts, but it can be demonstrated that they can also be linked to the archaeological evidence from the Viking Age, thus improving our understanding of the archaeological record.
EN
This paper focuses on a copper-alloy goad discovered in 2017 in Lubniewice in Lubuskie Voivodeship, Poland. An interdisciplinary analysis has shown that the goad was originally part ofa lavishly decorated copper-alloy spur representing a type known from high-status West Slavic graves (e.g. Lutomiersk, Ciepłe) and settlement sites. Because objects of this kind are made of costly material, and because expert skills were required to produce them, it is argued that they were commissioned by a very specific group of people who used them as “material markers” of their distinct cultural and religious identity. It is not unlikely that the owners of such spurs were members of the elite retinue of the Piasts who played important roles on and off the battlefield.
EN
This paper seeks to provide a new contribution to the debates on Viking Age women by focusing on a rather controversial notion of ‘female warriors’. The core of the article comprises a preliminary survey of archaeological evidence for female graves with weapons (axes, spears,swords and arrowheads) from Viking Age Scandinavia. Attention is focused not only on the types of weapons deposited with the deceased, but first and foremost on the meanings which similar practices may have had for the past societies. The author discusses why, where and how the weapons were placed in female graves and attempts to trace some patterns in this unusual funerary behaviour. In addition to exploring the funerary evidence, the iconographic representations of what could be regarded as ‘female warriors’ are also briefly considered. Lastly, a few remarks are also made on the notion of armed women in the textual sources
PL
W powszechnej opinii, śmierć Haralda Srogiego w bitwie pod Stamford Bridge w 1066 roku postrzegana jest często jako symboliczny koniec epoki wikingów. Jednakże, moment ten można przesunąć w czasie do 24 sierpnia 1103 roku, gdy, po dziesięcioletnim panowaniu w Norwegii, wnuk Haralda Magnus poległ w starciu w wyniku zasadzki, do jakiej doszło w Ulster. Niektóre ze staroskandynawskich przekazów, które opisują panowanie Magnusa, dokonują swoistego porównania obu władców, ukazując Magnusa jako prawdziwego i zadeklarowanego naśladowcę swojego dziada. Nie dziwi więc, że okoliczności, w jakich Magnus poległ, często przedstawiane są jako najpełniejszy przejaw tego wizerunku, zarówno w pozytywnym jak i negatywnym znaczeniu. Król Norwegii jawi się jako osoba niezwykle zainteresowana tym, aby jego rządy były postrzegane jako bezpośrednia kontynuacja czasów Haralda Srogiego. Tendencja ta dotyczy nie tylko jego działań politycznych w ogólności, ale także sfery propagandowej. Ta ostatnia był zaś zdominowana przez skaldów komponujących na rzecz króla.
DE
Im Allgemeinen wird angenommen, dass der Tod von Harald III. dem Harten in der Schlacht von Stamford Bridge im Jahr 1066 oft als ein symbolisches Ende der Wikingerzeit angesehen wird. Dieser Moment kann jedoch auf den 24. August 1103 verschoben werden, als Haralds Enkel Magnus, nach zehnjähriger Herrschaft in Norwegen, in Ulster in einen Hinterhalt geriet und im Gefecht ums Leben kam. Einige der altskandinavischen Überlieferungen, die die Regierungszeit von Magnus beschreiben, stellen eine Art Vergleich zwischen den beiden Herrschern her und zeigen Magnus als einen echten und überzeugten Nachahmer seines Großvaters. Es ist daher nicht verwunderlich, dass die Umstände, unter denen Magnus fiel, oft als der vollste Ausdruck dieses Bildes, im sowohl positiven als auch negativen Sinne, dargestelltwerden. Es scheint, dass es dem norwegischen König sehr daran lag, dass seine Herrschaft als die direkte Fortsetzung der Regierungszeit von Harald dem Harten betrachtet wird. Diese Tendenz betrifft nicht nur seine politischen Aktivitäten im Allgemeinen, sondern auch die Propagandasphäre. Diese wurde von den Skalden dominiert, die für den König komponierten.
EN
In common opinion, Harald Hardrada’s death in the battle of Stamford Bridge in 1066 is perceived as a symbolic end of the Viking Age. However, that moment could be moved to 24 August 1103, when, after ten years of his reign in Norway, Harald’s grandson, Magnus dies in an ambush in Ulster. Some of Old Norse records that describe Magnus’s reign compare both rulers and depict Magnus as the true and determined follower of his grandfather. For that reason it is not surprising that the circumstances of Magnus’s death are often shown as the fullest manifestation of that picture, including both its positive and negative facets. The king of Norway appears to be deeply interested in making his reign perceived as a direct continuation of Harald Hadrada’s times. That tendency concerns not only his political actions in general, but also the area of propaganda. The latter was in turn dominated by skalds composing for the king.
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest dyskusja nad ograniczeniami rozpoznania numizmatycznego Europy Północnej i Wschodniej we wczesnym średniowieczu/okresie wikińskim. Sam ogrom materiału – ze znalezisk pochodzi prawie 900 tysięcy monet oraz srebra niemonetarnego – może skłaniać do przekonania, że wszystko jest już udokumentowane. Jednak głębsza refleksja pokazuje, że jest to przekonanie błędne. Niektóre regiony, okresy bądź kategorie znalezisk są dobrze rozpoznane, jednak stan rozpoznania innych pozostawia wiele do życzenia. Artykuł przedstawia serię przypadków, w których nowe znalezisko, nowa technologia (np. wykrywacz metalu), nowe podejście metodologiczne (np. badania połączeń stempli) lub po prostu bardziej szczegółowe badanie materiału przyniosły nowe i nieoczekiwane spostrzeżenia. Niektóre przytoczone przypadki dotyczą etapu produkcji, zaś inne etapu obiegu monet. Wykraczając poza numizmatykę widzianą jako samodzielną dyscyplinę, wyniki informują nas o ekonomicznych, politycznych i społecznych strukturach dawnego społeczeństwa, a tym samym podkreślają wkład numizmatyki w badanie historii. W efekcie nowe ustalenia otwierają nowe ścieżki badawcze i co istotne, uświadamiają nam istnienie potencjalnie podobnych przypadków w nierozpoznanych jeszcze obszarach. Pomagają również w planowaniu przyszłych badań. W niektórych przypadkach można nawet przeprowadzić ekstrapolację wyników konkretnego studium przypadku na bardziej ogólne założenia. Artykuł w szczególności zwraca uwagę na niebezpieczeństwo wyciągania wniosków wynikających z braku dowodów. Przedstawiono kilka przykładów, w których rzekomy brak znalezisk lub produkcji monet okazał się wynikiem nieodpowiednich metod badawczych lub technologii poszukiwania materiału w ziemi. W innych przypadkach, odkrycie skarbu zmieniało z dnia na dzień obraz z braku lub niedostatku źródeł na ich obfitość. Jeżeli wnioski mają być wyciągane z braku dowodów, minimalnym wymogiem byłoby sprawdzenie czy zastosowano odpowiednie metody badawcze.
EN
The aim of this paper is to make us aware of the limits of the numismatic documentation of Northern and Eastern Europe during the Early Middle Ages/the Viking Age. The sheer mass of material – almost 900,000 coins are recorded from finds along with numerous non-monetary silver artefacts – may induce us to think that everything is documented already, but at a closer scrutiny, this turns out to be wrong. Some regions and periods and some find categories are well covered by the material, others not. The paper presents a series of cases where a new find, a new technology (e.g. metal detector), a new methodological approach (e.g. die studies) or simply a more detailed study of the material brought new and unexpected insights. Some of the cases concern the coin production, others the coin circulation. Going beyond numismatics seen in isolation, the results inform us about the economic, political and social structures of the past society and thus highlight the contribution of numismatics to the study of history. In turn, these knowledge break-throughs open new paths of research and, significantly, make us aware of potential similar parallel cases of not yet recognized insights. This will help us to guide future research. In some cases, it would even be safe to extrapolate from the specific innovative case study to more general assumptions. In particular, the paper highlights danger of drawing conclusions from absence of evidence. Several examples are presented where the supposed lack of finds or of coin production turned out to be the result of inadequate research methods or technologies for finding the material in the ground. In other cases, the hazard of the discovery of a hoard changed the situation from absence or scarcity to abundance overnight. If conclusions are to be draw from absence of evidence, a minimum requirement would be to check that adequate research methods have been applied in order to ascertain that the absence is real and not the result of present day factors.
EN
This article discusses typological and chronological issues relating to an unusual sword recovered from the Szczecin Lagoon. The likely origins of the weapon are considered with comparative objects bearing similar characteristics.
DE
Im Mittelpunkt des Beitrags steht die Frage, inwieweit das Ende der als Wikingerzeit bekannten Epoche in der zweiten Hälfte des 11. Jahrhunderts auf Pommern eingewirkt hat. Anhand archäologischer und numismatischer Befunde sowie schriftlicher Quellen werden die Entwicklungslinien der drei wichtigsten Siedlungskomplexe Wollin, Stettin und Kołobrzeg-Budzistowo skizziert. Dabei suggeriert die Anzahl der Schatzfunde, dass die Bedeutung Wollins bereits an der Wende vom 10. zum 11. Jahrhundert zurückging – also noch vor dem Raubzug des Dänenkönigs Magnus im Jahr 1043 und der geltenden Datierung der von Archäologen freigelegten Brandschichten innerhalb der Siedlung. Die Einzelfunde von Münzen deuten jedoch auf eine gewisse (freilich deutlich schwächere) Münzzirkulation bis zum Ende des 11. Jahrhunderts hin. Die Befunde aus Stettin und Kołobrzeg-Budzistowo weisen ebenfalls einen ambivalenten Charakter auf. Einerseits fällt die Zahl der Schatz- und Streufunde relativ gering aus. Andererseits legen die Grabungen einen Ausbau des jeweiligen Siedlungskomplexes in der zweiten Hälfte des 11. Jahrhunderts nahe. Folglich ist festzuhalten, dass politische Turbulenzen im westlichen Küstenbereich der Ostsee um 1050 keineswegs den Zusammenbruch ökonomischer und gesellschaftlicher Strukturen in Pommern verursacht haben.
EN
The article focuses on the question, to what extent the end of the Viking age in the second half of the eleventh century influenced western Pomerania. Based on archaeological and numismatic evidence as well as on written sources the development of the most significant settlements, Wollin, Stettin und Kołobrzeg-Budzistowo, is sketched. Thus, the number of hoards from Wollin suggests that the importance of the settlement complex decreased already at the turn of the tenth and eleventh century – before the Danish attack in 1043 and perhaps before the dating of burned layers inside the settlement complex. Stray finds of coins, in contrast, indicate some circulation until the end of the eleventh century – however, the influx of silver after c. 1050 seems weaker than during the tenth century. The archaeological and numismatic evidence from Stettin und Kołobrzeg-Budzistowo allows two conclusions: on one hand the number of hoard and stray finds is low. On the other hand, excavations illustrate an enlargement of these settlements in the second half of the eleventh century. Logically, the political turmoil taking place in the western part of the Baltic Sea around 1050 did not cause a collapse of economic and social structures in Pomerania.
PL
Punktem wyjścia tekstu jest pytanie, na ile zmierzch epoki wikingów w drugiej połowie XI w. wpłynął na Pomorze. Na podstawie archeologicznych i numizmatycznych odkryć oraz źródeł pisanych zostają nakreślone główne linie rozwojowe Wolina, Szczecina i Kołobrzegu-Budzistowa. Sądząc na podstawie liczby skarbów należy stwierdzić, że znaczenia Wolina zmniejszyło się już na przełomie X i XI w. – czyli przed wyprawą rabunkową króla duńskiego Magnusa w 1043 r. i przed obowiązującą w archeologii chronologią warstw spalenizny wewnątrz kompleksu osadniczego. Znaleziska pojedyncze monet z kolei wskazują na jej obieg (aczkolwiek nieco słabszy) do końca XI w. Wyniki badań z Kołobrzegu-Budzistowa i Szczecina mają również ambiwalentny charakter. Z jednej strony liczba skarbów oraz pojedynczych monet jest niska, z drugiej strony pokazują wykopaliska, że osady te rozbudowano po 1050 r. Podsumowując, stwierdzamy brak załamania ekonomicznych i społecznych struktur na Pomorzu na wskutek politycznych zawirowań połowy XI stulecia.
EN
Researchers of the Polish past often discuss Silesia in the tenth century but the entity later referred to by this name did not exist at that time while its individual parts had different runs of history. The first evidence of establishing contacts between the middle Oder basin and the Mediterranean world after the Migration Period are three Arabic coins from 770-776, bereft of notches, graffiti or other traces of circulation, found on Trzebnica Ridge (Figures 1-3). Unlike the wave of Arabic silver coinage a quarter of a century later, these coins arrived not via the ‘Northern Arch’ but from the south, via Venice. They probably mark the attempts of slavers to penetrate the Oder basin. After 950, the route from Bohemia to the mouth of the Oder river was established, leading alongside the Neisse and the Oder but it was soon disrupted by the expansion of the Milceni to the east. Behind the Milceni, however, was the power of the East Frankish Kingdom, so the Přemyslids expanded to the north-east to bypass the Neisse. The Přemyslid expansion consisted in collecting tributes from the tribes occupying the left bank of the Oder River: Zlasane, Trebouane, Pobarane and Dedosize – and in establishing permanent military outposts in Niemcza and Wrocław. The result of including the local dwellers in the trade and tributary network was the concentration of power in the tribes and the spread of silver hoarding. After the alliance between the Boleslavs of Prague and Mieszko I of Gniezno was established in c. 964, both states met on the middle Oder line and co-operated within the great trade corridor connecting Central Asia, Scandinavia and Western Europe. Political destabilization in Germany after 983 enabled Mieszko to break off the alliance, cross the Oder to the west and spread his influence along the Kaczawa to Milceni and Meissen lands, and then in 990 to drive the Czechs out of the area between Wrocław and the Sudetes. In this way, a route from Mayence to Kyïv was created, bypassing Prague, cut off the city from contacts with the mouth of the Oder River, which led to the crisis of the Czech state.
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