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1
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Introduction

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PL
The importance of the Vlachs in European culture remained unnoticed for many years. They were considered a small group of Romanised shepherds, and not a very highly developed culture, with not a great importance for the development of civilization. The specificity of the culture of the Vlachs, primarily due to its folkloristic character, wasn’t understood or appreciated. It was not realized that the management of the herds in the mountains required big skills and knowledge, and that Vlachs played an important role in the dissemination of the shepherd culture. Only recently the role of the Vlach law in shaping the social and military system of the late medieval and the early modern societies is being recognized. The role of the Vlach agent, as an important element in the formation of nationality, particularly in the Balkans, is also beginning to be perceived. Only recently it started being noticed that the Vlachs, are not just this group which has preserved its Romance language, but also numerous groups which assimilated long ago, preserving a greater or lesser extent, their traditional culture. The characteristic treatment of the Vlach population, except this part which evolved into the Romanian nation, consisted in its ease of coexistence with other ethnic groups and cultures. The Vlachs were mostly a non-state nation, and it contributed largely to the fact that their history and cultural characteristics are, after all, fairly poorly understood. Therefore, there is a great need for a new extensive research undertaken in international cooperation and for the publication of the results of these studies. For this purpose, the international research project Vlachs in European and Polish cultural area. Migration - settlement - cultural heritage has been launched. However, before the project was qualified to be financed, two institutes: the Institute of History of the Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznan and The Faculty of History at the University of Bucharest have taken a joint initiative of annual meetings of researchers on the Vlachs and the publishing series that would became space both for the publication of materials, as well as a discussion forum. The result of this initiative was a conference organized jointly in October last year in Bucharest. The next step is the joint publication of the Ius Valachicum, whose first volume we put into the hands of readers.
EN
This article offers an ethnographic exploration of the Vlachs in the Branicevo region of Serbia. The Vlachs rarely exist anywhere as a distinct ethnic group due to their permanent assimilation with other ethnic groups. The thing that has always been linked to the folklore of the Vlachs and still attracts a large number of people to come and visit some remote parts of Eastern Serbia is definitely a certain mystery which represents the essential part of the culture of this nation. Instances of Vlach magic can be seen in the Timok area, all over Eastern Serbia and across its borders. Vlach magic is a miracle or is miraculous, when looking at how long it has been present, its unique rituals, beliefs, shamans and spells. Vlach culture intertwined with pagan customs and interesting rituals, makes the municipalities in Eastern Serbia mysterious places in modern 21st century Europe, because the Vlachs are a mostly closed (endogamous) population which do not blend with people of other nationalities.
PL
The article will analyze the principal problems concerning research on the cultural heritage of displaced communities in Europe from the perspective of the Vlach minority. Based on the field research conducted in several countries of Europe (e.g. Greece, Macedonia, Romania, Ukraine, Slovakia and Poland), I will present the main classification of the Vlach tangible heritage with special attention paid to the most important cultural monuments, including religious building developments (churches, icons, small religious architecture). I will portray the difficulties found in protecting this heritage and the role of cultural institutions in its preservation and exposition. It can be stated that the example of the Vlachs perfectly illustrates the complex processes related to cultures which were overwhelmingly subjugated by their neighbours and lost the fight. A neighbour, usually representing the culture of the majority, was stronger culturally, economically, politically and often militarily. The article focuses on the phenomena which classical anthropology used to inspect, claiming that its role is to protect what is fading into oblivion. Thus, the analysis of the Vlach culture presented herein refers to a much wider reflection, which is a synergy of ethnography, ethnology and cultural anthropology, and to the critical studies on heritage which are emerging in Poland.
PL
This article is aimed at showing the existence of a medieval aristocracy in north-eastern Hungary, characterized in connection to certain elements of the Serbian identity. The noble families from the Maramuresh region are often identified by their Orthodox identity. It linked them to the Serbian church organization and the Serbian aristocracy, in contrast with the peasants mostly represented by the Vlachs. The migration of the Vlachs within this zone probably was generated by the influx of noble elements from Serbia to Hungary, especially during the period, when Stefan Vladislav influenced actively the Hungarian politics in the 13-14th century. In this article I show that the social and ethnic processes in the region were determined by a wider context of connections between Serbia and Hungary and the presence of the Serbian Orthodox church. The Catholic organization in Hungary accepted its autonomy and ecclesiastical independence. That is why there was possible to integrate the Orthodox elites to Hungarian nobility and arrange a kind of dual identity of the region. On the other side, in the long-term perspective, the Orthodox branches became rustic, living in villages with other nobles who became impoverished. Only of the Magyarized groups were able to remain within the high aristocracy.
EN
This article is aimed at showing the existence of a medieval aristocracy in north-eastern Hungary, characterized in connection to certain elements of the Serbian identity. The noble families from the Maramuresh region are often identified by their Orthodox identity. It linked them to the Serbian church organization and the Serbian aristocracy, in contrast with the peasants mostly represented by the Vlachs. The migration of the Vlachs within this zone probably was generated by the influx of noble elements from Serbia to Hungary, especially during the period, when Stefan Vladislav influenced actively the Hungarian politics in the 13-14th century. In this article I show, that the social and ethnic processes in the region were determined by a wider context of connections between Serbia and Hungary and the presence of the Serbian Orthodox church. The Catholic organization in Hungary accepted its autonomy and ecclesiastical independence. That is why there was possible to integrate the Orthodox elites to Hungarian nobility and arrange a kind of dual identity of the region. On the other side, in the long-term perspective, the Orthodox branches became rustic, living in villages with other nobles who became impoverished. Only of the Magyarized groups were able to remain within the high aristocracy.
EN
This paper aims at offering insight into the contemporary migration of Romanians towards Serbia, starting with the interwar period, continuing with the communist rule and focusing on the period after the fall of the Romanian communist regime, in 1989. What this study does is delimit the stages of the Romanian migration to Serbia, identify the social categories taking part in these migratory processes, the preferred regions for settling in Serbia, as well as the reasons behind people’s decision to leave the country. I also show how the Romanian emigrants relate to the Romanian autochthonous communities in Serbia (the Vlachs of Eastern Serbia and the Romanians of Vojvodina), in which they usually settle. After presenting the theoretical background relating to ethnic migrations, I introduce a new theoretical concept, reverse ethnic migration, which best fits the situation of contemporary Romanian migrants to Serbia. These migrations take place from a majority (Romanians in Romania) towards a national minority (Romanians or Vlachs in Serbia), thus in an „opposite” direction. The migrations are not state supported and they are individual in most of the cases. I argue that the interwar migrations were state planned, being the result of the Yugoslav-Romanian School Convention from 1933; those taking place during communism were triggered, in many instances, by political reasons; while the post-communist migration was labour oriented.
EN
In the paper I analyze the description of the way of life of the Hungarians and the local inhabitants of the Carpathian Basin during the Hungarian Conquest in the Hungarian chronicles: Gesta Hungarorum of the Anonymous Notary of King Béla (III) and Gesta Hungarorum of Master Simon of Kéza. The originally homeland of the Hungarians, called Scythia, was described as a rich land full of pastures and rivers inhabited by happy nomadic people. They left their land because of a fame and found on Tisza and Danube a similar country. According to the chroniclers they met between others the Vlachs who were characterised in a pastoral context by them. They lived in the same semi-nomadic way of life, as the former Hungarians, however, they occurred in Transylvania only in the 12th century, when the Hungarians changed their semi-nomadism to sedentarism. Therefore the semi-nomadic way of the Valachian life was noted as their identification factor by the high-medieval chroniclers.
EN
The purpose of this article is to show how Ioannis Kolettis, the first Vlach to become Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Greece, governed Greece, and why he is remembered, even today, as one of the Prime Ministers who left a lasting impression on Greek internal politics, and, especially, on Greek foreign affairs.
EN
The aim of the article is to show different aspects of diversity among the Vlachs in the contemporary socio-political realities of the particular countries in South-Eastern Europe. Their diversity leads to a general threefold description. Most commonly the Vlachs are regarded as a cultural or regional minority (in Greece, Bulgaria, Croatia), they are identified with the Romanian nation (Bulgaria, Romania), or seen as an ethnic and language minority (North Macedonia, Albania). The communities of Vlachs had shaped their customs, traditions and identity in relation to their local living conditions. They were forced to find a modus vivendi with the dominant Slavic, Greek or Albanian-speaking population, as well as their local codes of conduct. As a result, the dispersed communities have never developed a uniform ethnic or cultural identity, which would bind them into a greater whole. What differentiates them further, is their legal and political situation in the particular countries of residence. 
PL
W artykule zwrócono uwagę na zróżnicowaną charakterystykę ludności wołoskiej we współczesnych realiach społeczno-politycznych poszczególnych państw Europy południowo-wschodniej. Na jej podstawie można wyodrębnić trojakie rozumienie Wołochów. Najczęściej traktuje się ich jako mniejszość w sensie kulturowym i regionalnym (w Grecji, Bułgarii, Chorwacji), identyfikuje z żywiołem rumuńskim (Bułgaria, Rumunia) lub uznaje za mniejszość etno-językową (w Macedonii Północnej i Albanii). Obyczajowość, tradycje i tożsamość społeczności wołoskich ukształtowały się w odniesieniu do lokalnych warunków życia. Wołosi musieli szukać modus vivendi z ludnością, która na danym obszarze dominowała liczebnie i określała reguły funkcjonowania. W rezultacie, rozproszone społeczności wołoskie nie wygenerowały jednolitej tożsamości etnicznej czy kulturowej, która mogłaby je spoić w większą całość. Zróżnicowana jest także ich sytuacja prawno-polityczna w poszczególnych państwach. 
9
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EN
Byzantine sources up to the 10th century do not mention the Vlachs, but they contain information about thegroups of Romans inhabiting the Avar and Bulgar states in the period between 7th and 10th century. After the conquests of Emperor Basil II, the Balkans returned under the Byzantine rule. However, the Vlachs did not obtain the status of the Romans (Rhomaioi) but were treated as semi-barbarian subjects (Bulgarians, Serbs). 
PL
Źródła bizantyńskie do X wieku nie wymieniają Wlachów, są w nich jednak informacje dotyczącegrup Rzymian zamieszkujących państwa Awarów i Bułgarów w VII–X w. Po podbojach cesarza Bazylego IIcałe Bałkany powróciły pod władzę bizantyńską. Wlasi nie uzyskali jednak statusu Rzymian (Rhomaioi) leczpotraktowano ich jak półbarbarzyńskich poddanych (Bułgarów, Serbów). 
EN
This paper explores the social structures of late medieval Vlachs – particularly the ones inhabiting the Western Balkans (the Dinaric Alps) – in order to determine how collective identities were shaped and reproduced in medieval oral cultures. Southeast European historiographies have often portrayed the Balkan Vlachs as a unitary group and the label „Vlach” as representing a single, homogenous social entity during most of the Middle Ages. Still, social groups cannot exist and function without regular communication – oral or written – between their members. Oral cultures are based on verbal communication and are therefore bound by its specific nature, given that it requires continuous personal contact and oral transfer of information for communication and society to function properly. Literate cultures on the other hand tend to rely on written communication to a considerable extent and given that it allows for information to be conveyed impersonally (by text) its range is (at least in theory) almost limitless – as it is the level of (il)literacy that represents the main communicative and social limit in literate societies. Having in mind the abovementioned communicative and social limits of orality and the fact that it was the predominant if not exclusive form of communication among transhumant pastoralists such as the medieval Balkan Vlachs this paper argues that the range/scope of their group identities and collective identifications was rather limited. Furthermore, this paper discusses the types of collective identities utilized by Vlachs, questioning whether they ever shared a common „Vlach identity” given the fact that the social identity of the medieval people known as „the Vlachs” was primarily shaped and defined from the „outside” and „above” – by state intervention and a legal frame that was forced upon them. The Vlachs in the Medieval Balkans, and particularly in its western part, generally did not possess political authority and power, nor did they have the material resources and literary traditions allowing them to form more complex and enduring communication networks that would in turn have resulted in group identity formation on a larger scale. During the Early Middle Ages the Vlachs were „Vlachs” primarily because they were labelled as such and considered to be a distinct category of population by their Slavic (and later Byzantine) neighbours and overlords, and not necessarily because they originally defined themselves as such. This is not to say that gradually, during the course of the Middle Ages, the bearers of the „Vlach” name could not have started to identify themselves as „Vlachs” by accepting this foreign name (xenonym) as their preferred group name (autonym). Still, when this finally did happen it did not imply a „universal” Vlach identity in the medieval Balkans. Given the communicative limits of oral cultures as well as the Vlachs’ position as legal and political „objects” rather than „subjects” it seems most likely that the medieval Balkans witnessed a simultaneous existence of a multitude of „Vlachnesses” which were usually unrelated and unaware of each other.
11
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Rumuńscy Arumuni i ich język

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EN
Until 1913, all Aromanians lived in the same state i.e. the Ottoman Empire, on equal terms with the other non-Muslim subjects of the sultan. After the Balkan wars, they did not succeed in forming their own state and they became separated by the new borders of the four countries: Greece, Bulgaria, Serbia and Albania. That quickly led to ethnic and linguistic tensions, especially in Greece, which continued its policy of forced assimilation of the Vlachs. The mass emigration to Romania, considered by many Vlachs as their only real homeland – first to the Southern and then to the Northern Dobruja – saved them from persecutions but did not protect their ethnic, linguistic and cultural distinctness from assimilation. After having settled in Romania, Aromanians adopted the Romanian identity and language according to the theory that they represented a part of the Romanian nation and their language – a dialect of Romanian. This traditional, pro-Romanian point of view was the only and official one for a half century, until the late 1970s. It still subsists but competes now with a new, opposite point of view, considered and named a “separatist” one. This new point of view envisages the Aromanians to be a separate nation with a distinct language and requires their recognition as a minority group on behalf of the Romanian authorities. Regarding the linguistic aspect, the Aromanian language used in Romania is strongly influenced by Romanian, both lexically and gramatically. For the Aromanian language, Romanian represents a source of modern life or abstract vocabulary and a model of morphosyntactic structures. As for the linguistic analysis in our present study, it is based on Aromanian-language articles and literary works, translated or original, written by Aromanian intellectuals from Romania (some of whom subsequently having emigrated in the meantime and lived in other countries).
EN
The article concentrates on the analysis of ethnic identity of two romance groups living on the territory of Eastern Serbia: Vlachs and Cincars Aromanians).This area is a borderland, culturally, linguistically and politically; the situation significantly influences the ethnic identity choices of the two studied groups. The article is based on the data collected during three field studies: in 2015, 2016 and 2017. The author analyses in-depth interviews with Vlachs and Cincars, active in ethnic organizations and movements. Both aspects of the identity: psychological and behavioural are investigated, on one hand these aspects find expression  in utterances, and on the other hand in behaviours and activities of both studied groups.
PL
Artykuł koncentruje się na analizie tożsamości etnicznej dwóch grup romańskojęzycznych, zamieszkałych na obszarze wschodniej Serbii: Wlachów i Cincarów (Arumunów). Jest to obszar pogranicza kulturowego, językowego i politycznego, a sytuacja ta w różnym stopniu kształtuje etniczne samookreślenie dwóch badanych grup. Artykuł jest oparty na materiale terenowym, zebranym podczas trzech wyjazdów terenowych: w latach 2015, 2016 i 2017. Autorka analizuje wypowiedzi Wlachów i Cincarów, zaangażowanych w ruchy etniczne Autorka analizuje wypowiedzi Wlachów i Cincarów (Arumunów) zaangażowanych w działalność etnicznych organizacji i ruchów społecznych. Analizie poddane zostały oba aspekty etnicznej tożsamości: psychologiczny i behawioralny, z jednej strony wyrażające się w wypowiedziach, a z drugiej strony w zachowaniach i działalności członków obu badanych zbiorowości.
EN
The article summarizes the known data about the localization and numerical distribution of various Vlach groups in Macedonia in the 19th and 20th centuries. Each Vlach group’s (Moscopolitan; Grammoustian; Farsherot and Moglenite Vlachs) migrations are analyzed separately, following them from their starting points from which they ventured forth and dispersed all over Ottoman Macedonia at the end of the 18th century, all the way to their dwellings in late 20th century in North Macedonia. In the second part of the article we review the thorough, yet unofficial statistics of Gustav Weigand and Vasil Kanchov about the number of Vlachs in Ottoman Macedonia, as well as the number and territorial distribution of the Vlachs in Macedonia, as shown in the 1921 census in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, the Yugoslav census from 1931, the six censuses conducted in socialist Yugoslavia in 1948, 1953, 1961, 1971, 1981 and 1991, and the two censuses in the Republic of Macedonia from 1994 and 2002. 
EN
Defter's are an excellent source for historians, especially in demographic and socio-economic research, they are also very useful in researching the Vlachian communities. Analysis of material contained in Ottoman defter's from the Herzegovina area leads to the following conclusions: 1. In the area of Herzegovina, in the second half of the fifteenth century, Vlachs lived in a mostly nomadic lifestyle. Their number was at least sixty thousand people. 2. In the second half of the fifteenth century, many abandoned villages were recorded. Abandoned villages were gradually settled by migratory Vlachs, which contributed to their change of lifestyle on semi-settled and settled. In 1585, Vlachs - shepherds who were not associated with a village were rare. 3. In the Ottoman state, Vlachs those who lead an nomadic way of living, as well as those living in the Vlachian villages, were tax-favored, paid only a lump grazing tax for the state (a filuria with allowances), and did not pay any benefits to the timar owner. In the event that they served as derbenci's or vojnuc's, they were exempted from all taxes. 4. Settling in the former agricultural villages, in particular related to undertaking agricultural activities, was most often associated with an additional burden of tithing for the sipahi. Departure from pastoralism meant degradation to a group of raya, most often in these villages mixed-agricultural-pastoral management was conducted. Newly settled villages rarely received the status of the vlachian villages, because such status freed residents from additional benefits even in the case of agricultural classes. 5. The flat-rate grazing tax, filuria, in the fifteenth century had a fixed value and equaled 45 akçe, while at the end of the sixteenth century it was different for various Vlachs groups and could range from 60 to 200 akçe. Considering the fact that additional fees for sheep or tents were liquidated and that the value of employment fell akçe significantly compared to the fifteenth century, the real amount of taxes did not increase, and in some cases it decreased. 6. Not much on the basis of defilers can be said about the language used by the Herzegovina Vlachs. In defeats from the fifteenth century they bear mostly Slavic names, but sometimes there are also names only in the Vlachs: Radu, Bratul, Dabija, the same also applies to local names. 7. Gradually, Islamization processes took place. In the fifteenth century, they are almost invisible among the Vlachs, almost all of them wore Christian names. At the end of the sixteenth century, a significant percentage of Vlachs wore Muslim names. The Islamization process seems to be faster among the Vlachs settled than the Vlachs nomads, but there is no rule.8. In the light of the defters in the area of Herzegovina, there is no difference between Muslims and non-Muslims in burdens to the state, but defters do not include the cizye, or headship, collected from non-Muslims.
PL
Defter's are an excellent source for historians, especially in demographic and socio-economic research, they are also very useful in researching the Vlachian communities. Analysis of material contained in Ottoman defter's from the Herzegovina area leads to the following conclusions: 1. In the area of Herzegovina, in the second half of the fifteenth century, Vlachs lived in a mostly nomadic lifestyle. Their number was at least sixty thousand people. 2. In the second half of the fifteenth century, many abandoned villages were recorded. Abandoned villages were gradually settled by migratory Vlachs, which contributed to their change of lifestyle on semi-settled and settled. In 1585, Vlachs - shepherds who were not associated with a village were rare. 3. In the Ottoman state, Vlachs those who lead an nomadic way of living, as well as those living in the Vlachian villages, were tax-favored, paid only a lump grazing tax for the state (a filuria with allowances), and did not pay any benefits to the timar owner. In the event that they served as derbenci's or vojnuc's, they were exempted from all taxes. 4. Settling in the former agricultural villages, in particular related to undertaking agricultural activities, was most often associated with an additional burden of tithing for the sipahi. Departure from pastoralism meant degradation to a group of raya, most often in these villages mixed-agricultural-pastoral management was conducted. Newly settled villages rarely received the status of the vlachian villages, because such status freed residents from additional benefits even in the case of agricultural classes. 5. The flat-rate grazing tax, filuria, in the fifteenth century had a fixed value and equaled 45 akçe, while at the end of the sixteenth century it was different for various Vlachs groups and could range from 60 to 200 akçe.  Considering the fact that additional fees for sheep or tents were liquidated and that the value of employment fell akçe significantly compared to the fifteenth century, the real amount of taxes did not increase, and in some cases it decreased. 6. Not much on the basis of defilers can be said about the language used by the Herzegovina Vlachs. In defeats from the fifteenth century they bear mostly Slavic names, but sometimes there are also names only in the Vlachs: Radu, Bratul, Dabija, the same also applies to local names. 7. Gradually, Islamization processes took place. In the fifteenth century, they are almost invisible among the Vlachs, almost all of them wore Christian names. At the end of the sixteenth century, a significant percentage of Vlachs wore Muslim names. The Islamization process seems to be faster among the Vlachs settled than the Vlachs nomads, but there is no rule.8. In the light of the defters in the area of Herzegovina, there is no difference between Muslims and non-Muslims in burdens to the state, but defters do not include the cizye, or headship, collected from non-Muslims.
PL
The Vlachs in mid-16th century Upper Hungary had different obligations than all other subjects of the feudal estate. The sum of all fiscal obligations of the Vlachs is summarized in the census of the Muráň castle estate, which always designates it under the name “census Valachorum”, a phrase that includes the delivery of sheep, lambs, quarks, or pieces of harness for horses. Their main obligation consisted in a number of sheep, lambs, and goats according to the size of their flock, which they delivered around the Pentecost. Another obligation typical of the Vlachs was the bellows cheese. For every flock was due a harness (cinctorium), named at times after its Hungarian equivalent, heveder. If this harness is common to a number of the feudal estates, on the Muráň castle estate it was supplemented by a wool fabric, called in Hungarian nemez, and in Latin subsellium, probably because it was used as felt padding for the horseback, under the saddle.
PL
The transhumant type of livestock breeding (mostly sheep, sometimes goats) in the Balkans has Old Balkan roots. It was most frequent in the Balkans in the Middle Ages. This type of livestock breeding was pursued by the locals – Vlachs (even before the arrival of the Slavs), as their only professional activity. Over time, it became very popular, being also adopted by the population of Slavic origin. In the Serbian medieval state, as well as in other Balkan Christian states, there were no regulations that would uniformly regulate the position of the Vlachs. Regulations regarding the position of the Vlachs can usually be found in the foundation or donation charters of the monasteries. In the few charters from the first half of 14th century rules regarding the Vlachs were grouped under the common name Zakon Vlahom. Apart from this, common law applied to them as well. In conquering the Christian lands in the Balkans in the 14th and 15th centuries, the Ottoman state initially held certain lands and regions in a vassal status, and the sanjaks were formed following their definite subjugation and the liquidation of the vassal status, within the subjugated lands or regions. After the formation of a particular sanјak a tax list was immediately established, and that is how Ottoman Tax Registers (defters) were created. In each defter of the particular sanјak in the early Ottoman period (second half of the 15th and the beginning of the 16th century) there existed a regulation known as kanun, regulating the duties of the Vlachs. They contained rules and legal traditions of common law, that had existed earlier in the territories of the subjugated Balkan Christian states.
EN
The source texts contained in the current edition, collected from different archive units from State Archives in Lublin, are the continuation of the text published in the renowned Romanian journal “Istros” in 2014. The areas of Chełm and Lublin region were not intensively colonised by Walachian settlement at the turn of the Middle Ages and at the beginning of the modern times. It was used only in those areas which could not be colonized by regular farmers due to natural conditions, or when particular owners of farming villages strove to enrich their current agricultural profile with the breeding aspect, which took place through settling particular Walachian families. Thus, the significance of this period in the times of Walachian colonization was not to be found in its spread, the number of colonists or the villages inhabited by them. Instead, it is notable that those few Walachian settlements indicate the northern borderline of this colonising movement on the border of Lesser Poland and Red Ruthenia. Interestingly, the occurrence of villages which are 300 kilometers away from mountain areas, and which used Ius Valachicum, seems to contradict the established notion of Walachian settlement taking place only in the mountains and their neighbouring areas.
PL
Umieszczone w edycji teksty źródłowe, zawarte w różnych jednostkach archiwalnych przechowywanych w Archiwum Państwowym w Lublinie, stanowią kontynuację publikacji, która ukazała się drukiem w roku 2014 na łamach uznanego czasopisma rumuńskiego „Istros”. Obszary ziem chełmskiej i lubelskiej na przełomie średniowiecza i czasów nowożytnych nie były intensywnie kolonizowane przez żywioł wołoski. Osadnictwo takie występowało tylko na terenach, które ze względów naturalnych nie mogły zostać skolonizowane przez typowych rolników, albo też poszczególni właściciele wsi rolniczych zabiegali o wzbogacenie ich dotychczasowego profilu gospodarczego o wątek hodowlany, co następowało poprzez osadzanie pojedynczych rodzin wołoskich. Znaczenia tego obszaru w dziejach kolonizacji wołoskiej nie należy więc doszukiwać się w jej rozprzestrzenieniu, liczonym ilością kolonistów czy zamieszkiwanych przez nich osad wiejskich. Polega ono raczej na tym, że nieliczne osady wołoskie wyznaczają północny zasięg tego nurtu kolonizacyjnego na skraju Małopolski i Rusi Czerwonej. Odległe często o około 300 km od obszarów górskich wsie posługujące się Ius Valachicum zdają się przeczyć wciąż aktualnemu w literaturze przedmiotu jego postrzeganiu jako nurtu obejmującego wyłącznie góry i ich bezpośrednie zaplecze.
EN
The question of the place and role of the people referred in sources as Vlachs constitutes one of the most sensitive scientific problems. Sometimes they are influenced by contemporary nationalistic animosities. Most of the deliberations concerning this topic focus on the events connected to the restitution of Bulgarian statehood at the end of the 12th century, almost 170 years after its liquidation by the Byzantines. There are differences about the ethnic character of the leaders of the rebellion against the Byzantine power and its participants. The Bulgarian historiography of the 20th–21st century has developed two basic attitudes on the question of the meaning and role of the so-called Vlachs and Wallachia in the creation and history of the Second Bulgarian State. The first one is  represented by scholars such as Vasil Zlatarski, Genoveva Cankova-Petkova, Borislav Primov, Nikolai Markov. They recognize the participation of ethnic Vlachs in the restitution of Bulgarian statehood. The second attitude (Petar Mutafchev, Ivan Dujchev, Ivan Bozhilov, Georgi Bakalov, Georgi Nikolov, Alexander Nikolov or Tervel Popov) completely negates their real presence among the insurgents or marginalizes it to the extreme. Moreover, none of the Bulgarian scholars are inclined to support the thesis popular among Romanian historians about the leading role of ethnic Vlachs in the restoration of the Bulgarian state at the end of the 12th century. Even the proponents of their real participation in this endeavor, including Primov, who is looking for a compromise formula, or Markov, who is clearly trying to present a fully objective view of the situation, either disagree with the hypothesis of the Wallachian lineage of the uprising’s leaders or choose not to formulate a clear conclusion on the matter. Of course, the views of scholars around each of these positions diverge in a number of details. On the other hand, all the historians in question (with one exception - Markov), hence, the representatives of both groups, share a rather similar argumentation, emphasizing the unquestionable Bulgarian character of both the driving forces behind the rebellion against the Byzantine power and the restored state. Most of this argumentation was formulated in the interwar period (Zlatarski, Mutafchev) and during the Second World War (Dujchev), and was later reproduced, and in some respects, slightly expanded by subsequent generations of historians. 
PL
Do wrażliwych problemów naukowych, na które nakładają się czasami współczesne animozje o podłożu nacjonalistycznym, należy kwestia miejsca i znaczenia w dziejach średniowiecznej Bułgarii ludu określanego w źródłach z epoki mianem Wołochów. Gros rozważań dotyczących tego tematu koncentruje się na wydarzeniach związanych z restytucją państwowości bułgarskiej pod koniec XII w., po niemal 170 latach od jej likwidacji przez Bizantyńczyków i dotyczy charakteru etnicznego zarówno przywódców rebelii przeciwko władzy bizantyńskiej, uczestników tejże oraz nowopowstałego państwa. Historiografia bułgarska okresu XX–XXI w. wypracowała dwa zasadnicze stanowiska wobec kwestii znaczenia i roli tzw. Wołochów i Wołochii w powstaniu i dziejach Drugiego Państwa Bułgarskiego. Pierwsze z nich, reprezentowane przez uczonych tej miary co Wasił Złatarski, Genowewa Caknowa-Petkowa, Borisław Primow, Nikołaj Markow, uznaje realny udział etnicznych Wołochów w restytucji państwowości bułgarskiej, drugie natomiast, przyjęte przez historyków pokroju Petyra Mutafcziewa, Iwana Dujczewa, Iwana Bożiłowa, Georgiego Bakałowa, Georgiego Nikołowa, Aleksandra Nikołowa czy Terweła Popowa, bądź całkowicie neguje ich rzeczywistą obecność w gronie powstańców, bądź skrajnie ją marginalizuje. Co zrozumiałe, żaden z uczonych bułgarskich nie jest skłonny przychylić się do popularnej wśród historyków rumuńskich tezy o wiodącej roli etnicznych Wołochów w restytucji państwa bułgarskiego pod koniec XII stulecia. Nawet zwolennicy ich realnego udziału w tym przedsięwzięciu, w tym szukający kompromisowej formuły Primow, czy wyraźnie starający się przedstawić w pełni obiektywny ogląd sytuacji Markow albo nie zgadzają się z hipotezą o wołoskim rodowodzie przywódców powstania, albo nie decydują się na sformułowanie jasnej konkluzji w tej materii. Oczywiście, poglądy badaczy skupionych wokół każdego z wyżej wskazanych stanowisk rozmijają się ze sobą w szeregu szczegółach, z drugiej zaś strony wszystkich omawianych historyków, z jednym wyjątkiem (Markow), a zatem z obu grup, łączy dość podobna argumentacja, podkreślająca bezapelacyjność bułgarskiego charakteru zarówno sił napędowych rebelii przeciwko władzy bizantyńskiej jak i odnowionego państwa. Gros tej argumentacji sformułowana została jeszcze w okresie międzywojennym (Złatarski, Mutafcziew) i czasach trwania Drugiej Wojny Światowej. (Dujczew), by następnie zostać powieloną i w pewnych kwestiach nieco wzbogaconą przez kolejne pokolenia historyków. 
EN
The article shows different aspects of the Greek policy towards Vlach communities, important for their social and cultural activity. The case of Vlachs/Aromanians living in Greece is analyzed from the point of view of relatively large and functioning ethnic minority group, located within the Greek national majority. The Greek „republican concept of nationality”, included into the official policy, doesn’t accept ethnic/national minorities in the state. The article is created on the basis of long-lasting anthropological research, conducted by the author. It contains opinions expressed by Vlach/Aromanian intellectualists living in Greece, representing various concepts of Vlachness.
PL
Artykuł ukazuje znaczenie polityki państwowej dla sytuacji społeczno-kulturowej vlaskich społeczności, żyjących w Grecji. W tym kontekście przypadek Vlachów/Arumunów jest analizowany z punktu widzenia względnie licznej grupy mniejszościowej, która roztapia się w greckiej większości. Grecki „republikański koncept narodowy”, realizowany w ramach oficjalnej polityki, nie aprobuje istnienia w mniejszości narodowych lub etnicznych w państwie. Artykuł jest oparty na antropologicznych badaniach terenowych autorki. Cytowane są w nim wypowiedzi vlaskich intelektualistów z Grecji, którzy reprezentują rozmaite koncepcje vlaskości. 
EN
The aim of the paper is to present the conditions of a significant outflow of Vlachs from the Pindos region, which is commonly treated as one of traditional areas of the Vlachs’ settlement. The migrations lasted several decades, the majority of migrants stayed on the Turkish territory, although some families migrated to other countries, especially to the central-eastern Europe. The population movements were caused by worsening security and living conditions, connected with activity of bandits and political-military turbulence in the European part of the Ottoman Turkey. First, tradesmen and craftsmen migrated, then the shepherds started looking for new pastures and locations for their settlement. As a result, the Wallachian settlers dispersed through upland-mountainous regions of Thessaly, Thrace, Macedonia, Bosnia. They settled in towns in Austria, Serbia, Greece, Bulgaria or Romania.
PL
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie okoliczności, które doprowadziły do odpływu ludności wołoskiej z rejonu gór Pindos, który jest uznawany za jeden z tradycyjnych obszarów osadnictwa Wołochów. Migracje te trwały przez dziesiątki lat, w większości odbywały się w ramach Turcji osmańskiej, ale poszczególne rodzin udawały się także poza jej granice, przeważnie do Europy środkowo-wschodniej. Wędrówki były powodowane przez pogarszający się stan bezpieczeństwa, związany z działalnością band rozbójniczych i turbulencje polityczno-militarne w europejskiej części Turcji. Motywy wędrówek miały także charakter ekonomiczny. Początkowo migrowały rodziny, żyjące z działalności handlowej i rzemieślniczej. Stopniowo z Pindosu zaczęły odpływać poszczególne klany, które szukały nowych pastwisk i miejsc osadnictwa. W rezultacie kilkusetletnich migracji, wołoscy osadnicy rozproszyli się po wyżynno-górzystych rejonach Tesalii, Tracji, Macedonii, Bośni. Osiedlali się w także miastach w Austrii, Serbii, Grecji, Bułgarii i Rumunii.
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