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EN
Demographic problems and their consequences have been analyzed in many different ways, from different points of view. Their conditions and mutual relations have been taken into account as well, even though the interest in population problems in capitalist societies results from the fairly prosaic reasons. Dealing with them means increasing costs. Under certain conditions, however, non-economic benefits can, or at least should, become more important than economic losses. The case of Wales seems to confirm this thesis. The basis for a prosperous and strong nation is its proper demographic condition invaluable from the perspective of competing with other nation – in this case with English one. The purpose of this article is to present the demographic situation of Wales, identify the most important of its demographic problems, as well as the actions taken by the Welsh Government in this regard.
PL
Problemy demograficzne i ich konsekwencje analizowane były do tej pory na wiele różnych sposobów i przy uwzględnieniu różnych punktów widzenia. Badano ich wzajemne relacje i uwarunkowania, mimo iż zainteresowanie problemami demograficznymi w społeczeństwach kapitalistycznych wynikało i nadal wynika z dość prozaicznych powodów. Radzenie sobie z nimi wymaga bowiem ponoszenia coraz to większych kosztów. W określonych warunkach jednak pozaekonomiczne korzyści mogą, a przynajmniej powinny, stać się ważniejsze od gospodarczych strat. Przypadek tytułowej Walii zdaje się potwierdzać tą tezę. Podstawą dobrze prosperującego i silnego narodu jest jego odpowiednia kondycja demograficzna, bezcenna z perspektywy rywalizacji z innym narodem. Celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie sytuacji demograficznej Walii, zidentyfikowanie najważniejszych jej problemów demograficznych, a także wskazanie działań podejmowanych przez rząd walijski w tym zakresie.
EN
Demographic aspects of self-determination of nation on the example of modern WalesDemographic problems and their consequences have been analyzed in many different ways, from different points of view. Their conditions and mutual relations have been taken into account as well, even though the interest in population problems in capitalist societies results from the fairly prosaic reasons. Dealing with them means increasing costs. Under certain conditions, however, non-economic benefits can, or at least should, become more important than economic losses. The case of Wales seems to confirm this thesis. The basis for a prosperous and strong nation is its proper demographic condition invaluable from the perspective of competing with other nation – in this case with English one. The purpose of this article is to present the demographic situation of Wales, identify the most important of its demographic problems, as well as the actions taken by the Welsh Government in this regard. Demograficzne aspekty samostanowienia narodu na przykładzie współczesnej WaliiProblemy demograficzne i ich konsekwencje analizowane były do tej pory na wiele różnych sposobów i przy uwzględnieniu różnych punktów widzenia. Badano ich wzajemne relacje i uwarunkowania, mimo iż zainteresowanie problemami demograficznymi w społeczeństwach kapitalistycznych wynikało i nadal wynika z dość prozaicznych powodów. Radzenie sobie z nimi wymaga bowiem ponoszenia coraz to większych kosztów. W określonych warunkach jednak pozaekonomiczne korzyści mogą, a przynajmniej powinny, stać się ważniejsze od gospodarczych strat. Przypadek tytułowej Walii zdaje się potwierdzać tą tezę. Podstawą dobrze prosperującego i silnego narodu jest jego odpowiednia kondycja demograficzna, bezcenna z perspektywy rywalizacji z innym narodem. Celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie sytuacji demograficznej Walii, zidentyfikowanie najważniejszych jej problemów demograficznych, a także wskazanie działań podejmowanych przez rząd walijski w tym zakresie.
EN
The article examines the model and programs for the socioeconomic development of Wales. As a result of a devolution process, Wales gained the possibility of independently programming its developing policy in the 21st century. Wales is also a major beneficiary of European structural funds, as a result of which its national strategies must be in line with the priorities of European regional policy. The main value of the article is that it assesses, in a uniform analytical arrangement, the most important strategic long-term and medium-term documents of Wales, including a plan for the regional development of the country, a long-term concept for environmental policy, a medium-term strategy of socioeconomic development and a section of the National Strategic Reference Framework for 2007-2013 applying to Wales. All these documents represent an internally consistent arrangement, which also applies to studies prepared for the needs of the European Union. The analysis shows that Wales, taking advantage of the process of devolution, adopted a modern model of socioeconomic development oriented toward building a knowledge-based society. Logical and internally consistent development activities are especially important to an effective economic policy. An analysis of the Welsh socioeconomic policy and its EU context reveals that many of this country’s experiences may be applied in other EU countries and regions, in keeping with the principle of promoting best practices. Because Poland faces development challenges similar to those embraced by Wales over the past few years, the final part of the text presents the most important conclusions and recommendations for Poland.
EN
The article presents the results of research dedicated to the content analysis of standards for professional training of political scientists in the higher education system of England and Wales. The materials highlighting certain aspects of the legal provision of professional training in the field of political science have been examined. The in-depth analysis of standards for professional training of bachelors in political science, elaborated by the Quality Assurance Agency for Higher Education, has been carried out. Basic principles and essence of political science, requirements for professional competences of political scientists, forms of teaching, learning and assessment that are relevant in the study of political science have been reviewed. Standards for training political scientists at the universities of England and Wales are set out in the document called “Subject Benchmark Statement for Politics and International Relations”. The document focuses on two main features of political science – diversity and opportunity, which are reflected in the multiplicity and breadth of the defining principles, nature and extent of subject and skills acquisition. Since this discipline is closely connected with other humanitarian and social sciences such as law, economics, geography, sociology, history, cultural studies, literature, philosophy, the interdisciplinary nature of political science is emphasized. The document focuses on professional competences of political scientists, rather than curriculum content. Bachelors in political science should develop competences which are divided into three categories: 1) subject knowledge and understanding, 2) generic intellectual skills and 3) personal transferable skills. Plurality of political science should be reflected in the plurality of educational technologies used for teaching this discipline. The dominant forms of teaching are lectures and seminars, but workshops, whole group, small group and individual teaching, student-led and tutor-led sessions, skill-based, discussion-based and knowledge-based classes are widely used by universities. The effectiveness of the learning process is greatly enhanced through the use of computer technologies, so many universities in England and Wales carry out studies using a virtual learning environment.
EN
To understand the Welsh in their political decisionsBrexit is one of the most important events that dominated the media discourse in 2017. The decision of the residents of the United Kingdom to leave the EU structures will certainly have not only serious economic consequences, but also political, social and cultural ones, both for the United Kingdom itself and for residents of countries that will stay in the European Union.While analysing the results of the referendum, which took place on 23rdJune 2016, it can be seen that the majority of voters in England and Wales voted in favour of leaving the European Union, while those in Scotland and Northern Ireland supported the United Kingdom remaining in the EU structures.The aim of the article is to explain why the majority of voters in Wales were in favour of the United Kingdom exit from the European Union and to indicate potential benefits or losses resulting from the decision taken. Zrozumieć Walijczyków w ich politycznych decyzjachBrexit jest jednym z tych wydarzeń, które zdominowały dyskurs medialny w 2017 roku. Decyzja mieszkańców Zjednoczonego Królestwa o opuszczeniu struktur unijnych będzie miała z pewnością poważne konsekwencje nie tylko ekonomiczne, o których mówi się najwięcej, ale również polityczne, społeczne i kulturowe, zarówno dla samego Zjednoczonego Królestwa, jak i mieszkańców państw, które pozostaną członkami Unii Europejskiej.Analizując wyniki referendum, do którego doszło 23 czerwca 2016 roku, dostrzec można, że za wyjściem z Unii Europejskiej opowiedziała się większość głosujących w Anglii i Walii, podczas gdy wyborcy w Szkocji oraz Irlandii Północnej optowali za pozostaniem Zjednoczonego Królestwa w strukturach unijnych.Celem artykułu jest próba wyjaśnienia, dlaczego większość głosujących na terenie Walii opowiedziała się za wyjściem Zjednoczonego Królestwa z Unii Europejskiej oraz wskazanie potencjalnych korzyści lub też strat wynikających z podjętej decyzji.
EN
The article focuses on the geopoetics of Wales providing numerous references to con temporary Welsh folklore. e author describes mainly the town of Wrexham and its - surroundings. e topic is considered from the perspective of the Polish Geopoetic School represented by Elżbieta Rybicka.
EN
This article examines how migration to Wales modifies Polish Catholic families’ religious practices. It focuses on how the First Communion ceremony is performed. Within the Polish migrant community I witnessed three distinct ways of arranging this. Some families travelled to Poland to their parish churches of origin. Of those who celebrated it in Wales, some did so in a Polish church, others in their children’s Catholic school’s church. These choices had different effects. Holding First Communion in Poland confirmed children’s Polish identity and home-country bonds. It exemplified both the fluidity of the families’ intra-European migration experience and the strength of transnational networking. Holding it in the local Polish parish reinforced both families’ and childrens’ identification as Polish Catholics. In the school’s church, it strengthened migrant families’ negotiations of belonging and their children’s integration into the Welsh locality. Mothers’ active involvement in all settings led some to contest Polish religious customs and revealed emerging identifications related to children’s wellbeing and belonging. Unlike arrangements traditional in Poland, families’ religious practices in Wales seem to have become more individual, less collective.
EN
The article discusses Welsh national identity in the nineteenth century, an identity of which religion was an important aspect. Firstly, the article summarises the history of Christianity in the Principality from Roman times to the Reformation and the adoption of Anglicanism until the nineteenth century. It was during this century that an increasing number of people rejected the established Anglican Church in favour of non-Anglican Protestant churches (known as Non-Conformist churches). In light of these developments, issues discussed in the article include the attitude of the Welsh to England and the Church of England, the attitude towards Catholic Ireland and the impact of non-conformism on Welsh politics, education, and the literary and musical traditions. Taken together, these lead to a discussion on the influence of Non-Conformity on Welsh patriotism.
EN
The Welsh identity is undisputable in national (i.e. ethnic), social, cultural and even economic dimensions however it is doubtful in political sphere because vast majority of the Welsh still cannot decide if they are more Welsh or British. The ’double identity’ dilemma was visible especially during devolution referendums voting in 1979, 1997 and 2011 when non–political motives were often much more determinative then the factor of belonging to the Welsh community in political meaning. Thus, answering to the question about devolution referendum role in shaping political dimension of Welshness requires thoroughly analyse of the mentioned referendums results as an evident figures of public support for establishing legal and institutional guarantees of maintaining and developing all aspects of national identity. In the article has been contained description how the Welsh relations to the idea of self–determination (in frames of the wide internal autonomy) have changed by last 35 years. An author shows also barriers and factors fostering this process.
EN
The paper discusses the image of a child and childhood as presented in medieval Welsh literature based on selected sources. The following issues are scrutinised herein: the legal status of a child, customs related to the child’s upbringing, and child-parent relations. The analysed material proves that children occupied an important position in medieval Wales. They enjoyed legal protection and guardianship exercised by both biological and foster parents. A significant trope in medieval Welsh literature is grief and mourning after children’s death.
EN
Withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Union is undoubtedly an unprecedented event in the history of the EU. This process encounters many difficulties and reveals an increasing number of problems that contemporary Europe is facing and affects European integration. Even more complications in this area arise as a result of the deadlock in the internal dimension, and in the UK’s relations with the EU. It goes without saying, that this process will result in the need to create a completely new order in the UK’s relations with the EU and will have a huge impact on the global order. The whole process is multidimensional, hence the consequences of leaving the EU by the United Kingdom may have many effects for the UK not only in political and economic sense, but also in the field of its constitutional law and political system, including the area of the state’s territorial arrangement. The purpose of this study is to provide a legal analysis of Brexit’s potential consequences for the territorial system and threats to the territorial integrity of the United Kingdom itself, in particular for the status of its constituent parts and further relations between England and Wales, Scotland, Northern Ireland and Ireland. The risk of the split and disintegration of the United Kingdom as a result of Brexit cannot be overlooked.
14
Content available remote

UBÓSTWO WODNE NA PRZYKŁADZIE ANGLII I WALII

63%
EN
The article has been devoted to the analysis of water poverty on the example of England and Wales. It is because in England and Wales the water poverty concept which comes from the other concept of poverty – energy poverty – has provoked strong emotions, prompting national and local authori­ies, and non-governmental organizations to take concrete actions. In Poland this concept is, however, still little known, and therefore certainly worth paying more attention.
PL
Artykuł poświęcono analizie problemu ubóstwa wodnego (water poverty) na przykładzie Anglii i Walii. To właśnie bowiem w Anglii i Walii koncepcja ubóstwa wodnego, wywodząca się z koncepcji ubóstwa energetycznego, zaczęła budzić ostatnimi laty coraz więcej emocji, skłaniając władze narodowe oraz lokalne, a także organizacje pozarządowe do podjęcia konkretnych działań. W Polsce koncepcja ta wciąż jest jednak mało znana, dlatego też z pewnością warto poświęcić jej trochę więcej uwagi.
EN
In the article the theoretical framework of leadership in higher education of England and Wales has been studied. The main objectives of the article are defined as analysis of scientific and pedagogical literature, which highlights different aspects of the problem under research; characteristic of the theoretical fundamentals of educational leadership, and presentation of classification of leadership models in educational sphere. Leadership in higher education has been studied by foreign and domestic scientists: methodology of comparative education (C. Bargh, N. Bidyuk, N. Mukan, A. Sbruyeva); continuous professional education (J. Barge, A. Kuzminskyy, N. Nychkalo, P. Lorange); leadership in education (J. Bareham, L. Danylenko, L. Karamushka, N. Kolominskyy, O. Marmaza); leaders’ training (A. Borysova, V. Ilromovyy) etc. In Ukraine this problem has not been studied yet. The research methodology comprises theoretical (comparative and historical method, logical method, analysis and synthesis), and applied (conversations and dialogues) methods. The research results have been presented: the comprehensive integration of leadership theories in the sphere of philosophy, sociology, psychology, pedagogy, management has been justified; the definition of leadership and distributed leadership, and their characteristic have been provided; the leadership models in higher education of England and Wales have been determined.
EN
The main aim of the article is to depict the institutional and legal frameworks of the process of the devolution of power that is taking place right now in Wales from the point of view of Pose and Gill’s model of devolution. The process of devolution is a type of decentralisation. Some competencies so far reserved for London have already been transferred to the National Assembly of Wales and Welsh government. Further transfers however depend on the economic and political conditions and factors. This explains the reasons why more attention should be paid to everything that is happening in Wales today.
17
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Krzyże iryjskie

63%
EN
The article presents the state-of-the-art in the studies on Celtic crosses. They date back to the early Middle Ages, before the 12th century, and are preserved in Wales, Cornwall, certain parts of Scotland, but mostly in Ireland.
PL
Artykuł przedstawia stan badań nad krzyżami celtyckimi. Pochodzą one z wczesnego okresu średniowiecza, a sprzed w. XII zachowały się w Walii, Kornwalii, niektórych częściach Szkocji, a nade wszystko w Irlandii.
PL
Article describes Welsh authorities attempt to enhance their political position (achieved as a result of the devolution reform) as some sort of compensation for the Brexit negative impact on economic and social development of the region. The conception created by Carwyn Jones’ Government could not been presented as an alternative to focusing autonomous processes on gaining independence, because of Welsh people lack of interest of the latter solution. As an effect it has been completely ignored by the national authorities. Inability to implement the Scottish model of political emancipation (in the context of step-by-step exception of the European Union regional policy mechanisms in the United Kingdom) has become a factor stimulating real re-Britisation of Wales process W artykule przedstawiono podjętą przez władze walijskie próbę umocnienia swojej pozycji ustrojowej (uzyskanej w wyniku reformy dewolucyjnej) jako swoistej rekompensaty za negatywne oddziaływanie Brexitu na rozwój gospodarczy i społeczny regionu. Wysunięta przez rząd Carwyna Jonesa koncepcja nie mogła być jednak prezentowana jako alternatywa wobec ukierunkowania procesów autonomizacyjnych na osiągnięcie niepodległości, ze względu na brak zainteresowania społeczeństwa walijskiego tym drugim rozwiązaniem. W efekcie została ona całkowicie zignorowana przez władze krajowe. Niezdolność implementacji szkockiego wzorca emancypacji politycznej (w kontekście stopniowego wyłączania mechanizmów polityki regionalnej Unii Europejskiej w Wielkiej Brytanii) okazała się zatem przesłanką inicjującą proces faktycznej rebrytyzacji Walii
Vox Patrum
|
2018
|
vol. 69
53-64
EN
The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the selected works of one of the twelfth century Norman historian living in the British Isles, Gerald de Barri of Wales (1146-1223) in terms of his knowledge of the Byzantine world and its cor­relation with the Normans (from England and Southern Italy). The term Byzantine world has been evolving for several decades. Today it refers no longer just to the land of the former East European Empire, which later transformed itself into the Greek Byzantium, but it can be referred to the Balkans or the Kingdom of Normandy, while scientists are constantly expanding its borders with the help of other sciences such as archeology. We will do this based on his work: De in­structione principis, Topographia Hibernica, Expugnatio Hibernica, Itinerarium Cambriae and Descriptio Cambriae. Selected by Gerald of Wales the themes of the Byzantine and Norman kingdoms of Sicily, which appear in his five works ci­ted above, are proof of the broad political horizons of the elites from British Isles that were associated with the Plantagenet dynasty. Gerald was never in Sicily, in Byzantium or in the Holy Land, but he had some source in sight, both in the form of eyewitness accounts of events and in the accounts of contemporary wri­ters, which does not diminish the credibility of the data he cites. Better and more strongly, he was interested in the facts of the kingdom of Normans in Sicily than in Byzantium. Such a state of affairs seems to be understandable, as he saw in them both a political partner and, to some extent, a model to imitate, especially in the aspect of conducting politics against the conquered peoples.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono podjętą przez władze walijskie próbę umocnienia swojej pozycji ustrojowej (uzyskanej w wyniku reformy dewolucyjnej) jako swoistej rekompensaty za negatywne oddziaływanie Brexitu na rozwój gospodarczy i społeczny regionu. Wysunięta przez rząd Carwyna Jonesa koncepcja nie mogła być jednak prezentowana jako alternatywa wobec ukierunkowania procesów autonomizacyjnych na osiągnięcie niepodległości, ze względu na brak zainteresowania społeczeństwa walijskiego tym drugim rozwiązaniem. W efekcie została ona całkowicie zignorowana przez władze krajowe. Niezdolność implementacji szkockiego wzorca emancypacji politycznej (w kontekście stopniowego wyłączania mechanizmów polityki regionalnej Unii Europejskiej w Wielkiej Brytanii) okazała się zatem przesłanką inicjującą proces faktycznej rebrytyzacji Walii.
EN
Article describes Welsh authorities attempt to enhance their political position (achieved as a result of the devolution reform) as some sort of compensation for the Brexit negative impact on economic and social development of the region. The conception created by Carwyn Jones’ Government could not been presented as an alternative to focusing autonomous processes on gaining independence, because of Welsh people lack of interest of the latter solution. As an effect it has been completely ignored by the national authorities. Inability to implement the Scottish model of political emancipation (in the context of step-by-step exception of the European Union regional policy mechanisms in the United Kingdom) has become a factor stimulating real re-Britisation of Wales process.
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