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EN
Aspects and Applicability in Present Day Conditions This paper deals with intrigue and trickery during martial activity, as the authors examine the admissibility of various gambits from the perspective of international public law. They provide several historical examples to illustrate their analysis, with a view to determining the extent of admissible subterfuge and defining the lines that must not be crossed.
EN
The article focuses on the problem of the declaration of war, which has gained a new dimension as a result of the conflict in east Ukraine. Recent events need to be taken into consideration in order to comprehend the complexity of the issue, and the analysis conducted enables researchers to gain a better insight into many elements of the process.
EN
A very important effect of the Iraq and Afghanistan missions is that more soldiers than ever before have acquired experience in a NATO or other international environment during these years. Although Hungary was represented in battalion strength in the missions of the 1990s, these missions, by their nature, necessitated only low-intensity contact with other allied forces. Tasks in Afghanistan required much more transparent and comprehensive cooperation with an entire coalition of countries and a host of other players. At any one time, about a quarter of the mission personnel were engaged in individual assignments, which meant that they were working in a foreign-language environment 24 hours a day. Since 2003, but especially since 2006, hundreds of Hungarian soldiers have experienced the culture of international cooperation, and this has certainly affected their professional knowledge and overall attitude.
EN
In my review of the book Our Ancient Wars: Rethinking War through the Classics I focus on some methodological and theoretical problems in the field of political philosophy and historical studies. My first critical point pertains to van Wees’s attempt at historicizing genocide and its failings. In the second critical exposition I question Meineck and Sherman’s approach to ancient Greek sources concerning the PTSD or CSI. Finally, I address some methodological deficiencies in Saxonhouse’s application of the billiard ball theory to the issue of responsibility in international relations and democratic accountability. Despite the several critical comments, my evaluation of the book under review turns out to be highly positive.
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The Polish version of the article was published in Roczniki Humanistyczne 64 (2014), issue 2. The present article indicates some examples of the circumstances and ways of taking prisoners of war into captivity during military conflicts, the different possibilities of treating them and some measures to release them. The article includes, among others, fixed gestures and signs that were used to manifest the intention of giving oneself into the hands of one’s opponent and the ways of treating other prisoners of war. The examples cited herein, related to the captivity of kings, illustrate how different were the ways of treating prisoners of war, even of the same rank. Moreover, they show that some aspects of a politico-economic nature were superior to those indicated by the chivalric code. At the same time, the Crusades and close encounters with the Islamic world contributed to the considerable growth of sensibility to the fate of prisoners of war, which was expressed by the institutionalised (at least partially) procedure of giving freedom.
EN
Sangjun JeongSeoul National UniversitySouth Korea Mending Wall?The War over History in South Korea Abstract: Until Korea was divided into North and South in 1945, it had maintained its territorial unity on the Korean peninsula for well over 1,000 years. Then, two young US officers drew an arbitrary line along the 38th parallel. Developing into a heavily militarized zone only several years later, ironically called the De-Militarized Zone (DMZ), that division has lasted for decades and into the present. Recently, several symbolic acts were performed in the zone and innovative plans were suggested to make the land strip into a peace park as a symbol of ideological reconciliation and ecological paradise. Yet to many Koreans, the zone is still inscribed as a wall permanently bisecting the peninsula not only physically but also culturally.  Through an analysis of Robert Frost’s poem “Mending Wall,” this article contemplates the divisions within South Korean society over the North –South divide as a war over the telling of history. This history, however told, must be understood alongside the sentiment of han, a Korean word loosely defined as frustration, anger, and sadness, something that has been shaped by centuries of suffering from wars, invasions, colonization, injustice, and exploitation. Keywords: Korean Peninsula, Political Divisions, History, War, Demilitarized Zone
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When examining security issues, the issue of war cannot be omitted, which is a source of enormous suffering, but also an incentive for technological innovation or a catalyst for social and political change. Although in the last decades the number of wars and their intensity has decreased, it still seems that they need a huge amount of money. It is also expensive to create weapon systems to ensure victory if a war occurs in the future. Discussions on what a war currently is are accompanied by the belief that it is distinctly different from wars in the past. Every age created its own art of war, which has changed in terms of measures, principles, and methods of fight over the centuries. The aim of the article is to present new tools and ways of conducting military action in the face of new threats in the 21st century. In addition to describing the new conditions of warfare, non-state irregular armed forces as participants of modern armed conflicts has been presented. In the study, the topic of using modern technology, unmanned detection and destruction systems, precision weapons and stealth technology has also been explored.
EN
The Hellenes created a concept of potential military engagement by all gods. In martial contexts, Greek authors often included the concepts of “all-the-gods” (pantes theoi), “god” (theos), divine being (daimonion) and holy power (hieros), which signify interference by unidentified divine forces. The relationship between war and gods may thus be defined ex definitione. The question arises as to the basis of this way of thinking. It seems that the answer should be sought in the basic definition of war – polemos. War is only occasionally personified. The answer to the question of why Polemos never became a clearly defined divine figure and mythological hero can be found in Homer. In the Iliad many deities, although not all, have military might (polemos) at their disposal and participate in directing martial activities. It is for this very reason that this force never became an independent one – war arises as a result of what can be termed a divine “chain reaction”. The existence of war is thus dependent on the gods who make it active as the result of a stimulus. It is significant that Ares, just like Polemos, is not fully autonomous. Other deities also carry out the “work of Ares”.
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The countries of NATO's eastern flank representing the so-called Bucharest Nine include Poland, Romania, Bulgaria, Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, and Hungary. Over recent decades, NATO has adapted to new challenges and threats to the security environment. This article attempts to examine the ongoing armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine from the perspective of NATO's eastern flank countries as well as to answer the following research questions: are NATO member states adequately responding to the threats arising from the armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine, and will NATO be revitalised as a result of Russia's revisionist policy? The countries of NATO's eastern flank form the so-called Bucharest Nine, and include: Poland, Romania, Bulgaria, Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, and Hungary (Pawłowski, 2020; Jankowski, Stępniewski, 2021). Over the decades, NATO has adapted to new challenges and threats to the security environment (Stępniewski, 2020; Stępniewski, 2011). The Alliance's need to adapt has been very clear since 2014, when Russia, with its neo-imperial policy towards Ukraine, “woke up the dragon” upon which NATO began to adapt to the new security reality in Central and Eastern Europe by increasing spending onarmaments, along with the modernisation of its armed forces, command structures, and relocation of troops, etc. Since 2014, we have been dealing with an armed confl ict between Russia and Ukraine in the Donbas (along with the annexation of Crimea by Russia), which has changed the way in which security in Eastern Europe and, more broadly, throughout Europe is perceived. As of 24 February 2022, i.e., with the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, not only did the way of thinking about international order and security change, but, above all, the perception of Russia as an unpredictable participant in international relations changed also. Russia has become a serious threat and a challenge to the international order. This article attempts to look at the ongoing armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine from the perspective of NATO’s eastern flank countries as well as to answer the following research questions: are NATO member states adequately responding to the threats arising from the armed confl ict between Russia and Ukraine, and will NATO be revitalised as a result of Russia’s revisionist policy?
EN
The Russian invasion of Ukraine has implemented legitimate fears of a global crisis and further and inevitably aggravating existing food-security challenges. The international community is being called upon to take targeted action to address the rapidly-evolving, resultant scenarios, making it essential to go beyond immediate interim measures and to re-examine the agricultural and energy policies that underpin our global economy. This article, without any claim to exhaustiveness, examines the inevitable link between war and the dynamics related to food security. In the first instance, a theoretical-interpretative key of the logics of violent conflicts that generate a relevant impact on global food supplies and food (in)security is provided, within the broader framework of the dynamics related to the instability of international relations which hinder the supply of energy resources and determine the volatility of general price levels. In the concluding section, there is reflection crossed reference to the ongoing Russia/Ukraine conflict as well as the devastating consequences on global food systems, already put under stress by the COVID-19 pandemic.
PL
Teoria traumy pojawiła się w latach 90. jako wyraz rozczarowania tekstową orientacją dekonstrukcji i poststrukturalizmu. Jej celem było zwrócenie teorii ku światu. Jednakże w latach 60. polscy filmowcy z zapałem przedstawiali traumy wojenne, jak też ich echa. Przyłożenie narzędzi teoretycznych teorii traumy do trzech filmów: „Dziś w nocy umrze miasto” Jana Rybkowskiego (1961), „Jak być kochaną” Wojciecha Jerzego Hasa (1962) oraz „Pasażerki” Andrzeja Munka i Witolda Lesiewicza (1963) ma trzy cele: ocenę poziomu rozumienia efektów wojennych stresorów traumatycznych w latach 60., odróżnienie uznawanych form przeżycia/śmierci od psychologicznego zranienia, które nie jest godne upamiętniania, a także potraktowanie kulturowych przedstawień traumy jako symptomów szerszych procesów kulturowych i społecznych.
EN
The theory of trauma appeared in the 1990s as an expression of disappointment with the textual orientation of deconstruction and post-structuralism. Its aim was to turn the theory towards the world. However, in the 1960s, Polish filmmakers were enthusiastic about war traumas as well as their echoes. Applying theoretical tools of trauma theory to three films: „Tonight, the City Will Die” by Jan Rybkowski (1961), „How to Be Loved” by Wojciech Jerzy Has (1962) and the „Passenger” by Andrzej Munk and Witold Lesiewicz (1963) will have three goals: an assessment of the level of understanding of the effects of war traumatic stressors in the 1960s, the distinction of recognized forms of survival/death from psychological wounds, which is not worth commemorating, and also treating cultural representations of trauma as symptoms of wider cultural and social processes.
EN
The article in an attempt to show a certain group of views about war. Within this group war is treated as something exceeding the realm of human influence. In the paper as examples of that approach are discussed philosophy of Heraclitus of Ephesus and the Francisco Goya’s series Disasters of War. Anti-war series by Spanish painter is interpreted in context of the presence of war culture in the view of Krzysztof Wodiczko.
EN
The article in an attempt to show a certain group of views about war. Within this group war is treated as something exceeding the realm of human influence. In the paper as examples of that approach are discussed philosophy of Heraclitus of Ephesus and the Francisco Goya’s series Disasters of War. Anti-war series by Spanish painter is interpreted in context of the presence of war culture in the view of Krzysztof Wodiczko.
EN
This article is an attempt to explore the roles played by three key regional powers in the Armenian-Azerbaijani war over the Nagorno-Karabakh region that was raging on in the period of 1992–1994. The article holds that it was the significance of Azerbaijan as a crucial producer of oil and natural gas from its deposits in the Caspian Sea, that along with the presence of a huge Azerbaijani minority in Iran's northwest shaped the policies of the regional powers toward the Karabakh conflict, and their stance to Yerevan and Baku that contributed to Azerbaijan's eventual defeat in the war.
EN
The author provides new context in explaining the unsuccessful attempt of Western Christianity to reclaim the Hungarian city of Pest in 1542 in the wider political context of that time. He takes into account the interdependence of other military actions, which took place in parallel and significantly influenced the course of this campaign to Hungary (the French offensive in the Netherlands and Catalonia and the occupation of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel by troops of the Schmalkaldic League). The vast majority of the Imperial army only passively participated in the brief siege of the city of Pest. The conquest of the city at the beginning of October 1542 was attempted mainly by Hungarian and Italian troops, especially the infantry units of the papal army, which was sent to Hungary by Pope Paul III. Based on a new research of sources from the accounting documentation of the Papal Chamber, the author performs a detailed analysis of the personnel composition of this papal army.
EN
At the end of the 19th century Great Britain had to cope with new problems in the Far East. During the 90s the position of its international rivals — especially Russia — rose considerably. This was quite apparent in the northern part of Qing Empire — Manchuria. Britain therefore tried to utilize the deepening of the Russo‑Japanese rivalry. After new Russian advances after the Boxer revolution, London started direct negotiations with Tokyo. Their result was the Anglo‑Japanese alliance, which ended the era of British “Splendid Isolation”. Thanks to this development and naval and economic cooperation of both countries, Japan was able to defeat Russia in the Russo‑Japanese war. This was a clear success of the British diplomacy, which was able to stop its main opponent without going to war itself. On the other hand the rise of Japan as a Great Power meant, that the Land of the Rising Sun became a key factor in the British position in China.
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Przyszłe wojny. Zarys problemu

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Artykuł poświęcony jest zidentyfikowaniu kluczowych aspektów dotyczących przyszłych wojen i konfliktów zbrojnych oraz usystematyzowaniu istniejącej wiedzy w tym obszarze. W związku z tym przyjęto założenie, że należy chociażby w ogólnym zarysie nakreślić prognozy najbardziej prawdopodobnych rodzajów wojen i konfliktów, a nie jednej uniwersalnej wizji wojny oraz konfliktu zbrojnego. Użycie liczby mnogiej w tym wypadku jest w pełni uzasadnione, ponieważ wypracowanie jednej wizji wojny byłoby podejściem zbyt uproszczonym, mogącym negatywnie wpłynąć nie tylko na rozwój teorii wojen i konfliktów, lecz także na ich praktykę. Rozwiązanie zatem tego problemu wymagało udzielenia odpowiedzi na pytanie: jakie będą przyszłe wojny i konflikty w stosunku do przewidywanych uwarunkowań geopolitycznych, rozwoju technologii wojskowych, walki informacyjnej oraz regulacji prawnych? W przygotowaniu niniejszego opracowania niezbędne okazały się teoretyczne metody badawcze, takie jak: synteza, analiza, uogólnienie i porównanie. Jednakże ze względu na specyficzny obszar badawczy kluczowe znaczenie miała jakościowa metoda prognozowania, czyli metoda scenariuszowa.
EN
The following article is devoted to identification of key aspects concerning future wars and armed conflicts, and to systematisation of the existing knowledge on this extremally interesting topic. The conducted analysis is based upon an assumption that it is necessary to, at least generally, outline prognoses of most probable types of wars and conflicts, and not just the single one and universal vision of the war and armed conflict. Use of the plural here is therefore fully justified, since elaboration of the single vision would be too much simplified an attempt that could negatively influence, not only the development of the theory of war and conflicts, but also their practice. A solution, thereby, to this problem required answering the following question: what will the future wars look like in relation to prognosed geopolitical conditions, development of the military technology, information warfare and the law? While realising this study, theoretical research methods were employed, such as: synthesis, analysis, generalisation and comparison. However, due to the characteristics of the research field, a qualitative method, the scenario-based approach was crucial in realising the following study.
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20 years have passed since the 9/11 attacks in 2001. In response to the attacks, the US initiated a Global War on Terror which has dominated international relations for 20 years. The military campaigns in Afghanistan and Iraq, a rampant drone programme, widespread use of torture, and the mass surveillance of people are some of the aspects of this war. The Global War on Terror has become the dominant counterterrorism paradigm, and the use of violence has been taken for granted as the primary tool to counter and prevent terrorism. Yet, 20 years have passed since 2001, and the threat of terrorism is as prevalent now as it was then. This chapter evaluates the Global War on Terror along two main axes: first, on its empirical record on countering and preventing terrorism; and second, on the theoretical assumptions that underlie the paradigm. The evaluation concludes that the GWOT has failed on its own terms to counter and prevent terrorism, and this is largely due to a theoretical and epistemological crisis of counterterrorism. The last part of this chapter presents possible ways forward to remedy these failures so that states may adopt a more realistic and humane form of counterterrorism.
PL
Od ataków z 11 września 2001 r. mija 20 lat. W odpowiedzi Stany Zjednoczone rozpoczęły globalną wojnę z terroryzmem, która zdominowała ostatnie dwie dekady stosunków międzynarodowych. Misje wojskowe w Afganistanie i Iraku, błyskawiczny rozwój programu użycia dronów, powszechne stosowanie tortur i masowa inwigilacja to tylko niektóre z aspektów tej wojny. Globalna wojna z terroryzmem stała się dominującym paradygmatem kontrterroryzmu, a stosowanie przemocy zostało uznane za podstawowy sposób przeciwdziałania i zapobiegania terroryzmowi. Teraz, kiedy mijają dwie dekady od rozpoczęcia tej wojny, zagrożenie terroryzmem jest tak samo aktualne jak w 2001 r. W artykule podsumowano globalną wojnę z terroryzmem i oceniono ją z dwóch perspektyw: pierwszej, która obejmuje empiryczny wynik zapobiegania i zwalczania terroryzmu, oraz drugiej, opartej na teoretycznych założeniach leżących u podstaw paradygmatu tejże wojny. Z oceny wynika, że globalna wojna z terroryzmem zakończyła się porażką w dużej mierze ze względu na teoretyczny i epistemologiczny kryzys walki z terroryzmem. W ostatniej części tekstu zaprezentowano możliwe sposoby naprawy popełnionych błędów, tak aby państwa mogły przyjąć bardziej realistyczną i humanitarną formę walki z terroryzmem.
EN
The crisis in Ukraine is one of the greatest challenges for international community, especially for Euro-Atlantic area ((EAA) USA and the EU).The political tension, caused by the annexation of the part of Ukraine, the Crimea, has inclined the experts to talk about the beginning of the new Cold War between Russia and the West. Evidently this crisis has an international character, complexity, and different levels. At least, there are “the West vs Russia”, “Ukraine vs Russia”, and “Ukraine vs Ukraine” levels. Naturally complexity determined different propositions of the conflict solution among scientists and decision makers. The article explores the conflict using the international relation theories as hallmarks of approaches to the crisis and SWOT-analysis and comparative method as tools of analysis. The liberal, realist, and constructivist approaches to the crisis are distinguished. Every approach has special propositions for the solution of the crisis. These propositions based on the set of beliefs which are involved by the approach. The liberal way of resolving foresees economical assistant to Ukraine, cooperation with Russia and Ukrainian neutrality. The realist approach admits Russian right to renew spheres of influence and sees Ukraine as a buffer state in a future. The constructivists approach to the crisis considers EU membership of Ukraine as a recipe of the solution.
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The United States of America is militarily and diplomatically disengaging from the Middle East. Concurrently, Iran as a Regional Power is on the perceived ascent. This article rationalizes the effects of America’s invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq, the Arab Spring, and the Nuclear settlement with the P5+ group of nations on the distribution of power in the region. By utilizing Balance of Power Theory with reference to the distribution of power in the region, an examination of Iran interests in the region after 2017 and strategy for approaching these aims will be sort after.
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