Search results

1

The Influence of Ethnic Power Sharing Mechanisms on the Functioning of Parliaments in the Western Balkans

100%

Szabó Z.

Central European Papers

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2016

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vol. 4

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issue 1

50-62

EN

The Western Balkans countries, yet differ in religious and ethnic background, their present-day constitutional setup – at least on paper - has plenty of similarities. Each of them has a parliamentary form of government, a proportional voting system, and a rather ceremonial head of state. Most of these countries have also a predominantly complex ethnic landscape. After the armed ethnic conflicts of the 1990s and 2000s, the region set out along constitutional consolidation. As a price of the peace, various ethnic-based power-sharing methods were introduced in the constitutional systems of the countries. However, this pa- per argues that any political regime based on such instruments – one that gives preference to the interests of certain ethnic groups – can only be built to the detriment of a democratic state. As a result of ethnic way of thinking, the political landscape is dominated by (mostly ethnic oriented) parties and effective decision-making procedures are often missing or neglected. Parliamentary activities are often held on a minimum scale, being based on obligatory tasks, a proactive manner (scrutiny, control of the government) is missing.

2

Czarnogóra w procesie integracji z Unią Europejską. Szanse i wyzwania

100%

Koźbiał K.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2015

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issue 6(37)

209-229

EN

2006, after referendum, the Montenegrin Parliament declared the independence of Montenegro. One of the primary foreign policy objectives is integration into the European Union. 2007 Montenegro signed a Stabilisation und Association Agreement. On 17th December 2010 the EU granted Montenegro the official status of candidate country. The accession negotiations with Podgorica started on 29th June 2012. In December 2012 first chapter in negotiations was opened and provisionally closed. The EU provides financial assistance to Montenegro under the IPA (Instrument for Pre‑accession Assistance). Now has this country top position among the states striving for the EU membership. One of the phenomena of Montenegro’s political life is the fact that the power has been in the hands of the political party: Democratic Party of Socialists, and personally Milo Ðukanović. The biggest internal problems are: ethnic (only 45% Montenegrins), linguistic (almost 43% speaks Serbian, only 37% Montenegrin) and religious structure (Montenegrin Orthodox Church has not been recognized). The important problems in negotiations: corruption and organized crime in Montenegro and, probably, unilateral euro adoption in 2002.

3

Prospects for Extending the European Union to the Countries of the Western Balkans

100%

Adamczyk A.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2018

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vol. 4

125-148

EN

The main objective of the article is to present the prospect of extending the European Union to the countries of the Western Balkans. It presents the criteria to be met by the candidates for EU accession, followed by an analysis of the most important problems related to the accession process, both those afflicting the Member States (enlargement fatigue – lack of acceptance for further enlargements among societies) and those faced by the Western Balkan countries – lack of political stability, widespread corruption, organized crime, unresolved disputes with neighbours, lack of preparation for functioning in the common market. Subsequently, the perspectives of possible EU enlargements for the Balkan countries are outlined.

4

Did EU candidacy differentiation impact on the performance of preaccession funds? A quantitative analysis of Western Balkan cases

100%

Denti D.

Croatian International Relations Review

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2013

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vol. 19

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issue 68

22-52

EN

After four years of implementation the EU funds for candidate countries, the Instrument for Pre- Accession Assistance (IPA), has shown a mixed performance, resulting in a statistically limited level of use of IPA funds in most target countries, though with some variance. This article intends to test the hypothesis linking such a differentiation with the presence or absence of the official status of candidate country. The analysis of the funds allocation levels, the funds absorption levels and the progress in administrative reforms nevertheless shows that candidacy status is neither a sufficient nor a necessary condition for a good IPA performance. Rather, the data show that the IPA funds were able to catalyse a good progress only in those target countries characterised by an average adaptation pressure, but not to spur laggards and frontrunners, recalling the hypothesis put forward by Radaelli in his analysis of the outcomes of Europeanisation.

5

Proces Berliński i jego znaczenie z perspektywy polityki zagranicznej Polski

100%

Podgórzańska R.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2020

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issue 1 (374)

251-273

EN

Since the 1990s many formats and initiatives for stability and security of the Western Balkan states have emerged, which include a broad array of support instruments. One of the formats of cooperation involves the Berlin Process, which increasingly affects the Balkan reality. A number of political factors determined Poland’s joining in the mechanism. The aim of the paper is to identify and systemize them as well as analyse the importance of this initiative from the perspective of Polish foreign policy. It has been assumed that after 1989 due to the focusing of Polish diplomacy on the pursuit of strategic interests, the area of Southeast Europe, the discussed Western Balkan states included, was located at the margin of Polish foreign policy. The temporary increase in the activity of Polish diplomacy towards the region did not mean its appreciation from the perspective of Polish foreign policy but resulted only from a search for ways to boost the efficiency of implementation of its guidelines. What is more, modification of emphasis in the foreign policy after Poland’s accession to the European Union did not result in a modification of the Western Balkans’ position from the perspective of Polish interests. Taking the above into account a question arises about factors that determined the enhancement of Polish activity towards and for the region, an example of which includes joining in the mechanism of the Berlin Process. At the same time one needs to examine the forms and character of Polish involvement, and primarily to establish what resources and what instruments were supposed to support political declarations about the need to intensify Poland’s activity towards the Western Balkans region. The paper’s main hypothesis boils down to an observation that Poland, searching for ways to ground its position as a country involved in the development of the situation in the Western Balkans, joined in the initiative of the Berlin Process motivated, on the one hand, by the pursuit of Poland’s own interests resulting from the desire to boost its impact on the course of political processes in an international dimension, while on the other, its activity was dictated by the endeavour to intensify the region’s interrelations with the European Union. The detailed hypothesis, corresponding to the adopted research assumption, boils down to a statement that Poland has not become a key country in the context of the region’s integration with the structures of EU cooperation. Therefore, postulating the EU “open door” policy for years, regardless of its resources and capabilities, Poland became involved in various mechanisms supporting the expansion process. The main research methods used in the text include an institutional and legal analysis, a critical analysis of documents and the literature of the subject, and the comparative method.

6

Perspectives for Kosovo’s Accession to the EU

100%

Raba-Schulze A.

Reality of Politics

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2018

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issue 9

98-111

EN

Kosovo, the smallest country in Europe, over 10 years after declaring its independence, still remains outside of the European Union. As one of the countries of former Yugoslavia, it benefitted from the process of European integration, yet compared to neighbouring Western Balkan countries it is at an early stage of stabilisation and association process. The paper points to the main problems that Kosovo is facing, both at the internal and external level, in the face of the accession process and future membership in the European Union.

7

Regional cooperation in the process of integration of the Western Balkan states with the European Union

100%

Podgórzańska R.

Reality of Politics

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2018

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issue 9

71-88

EN

From the European Union perspective regional cooperation in the Western Balkans is one of the fundamental conditions determining the pace of accession to European structures. This question is emphasized in EU documents concerning the enlargement, and it is also each time a subject of the EU’s discussion with representatives of Western Balkan countries. The aim of this paper is to articulate and characterize the premises of EU activity towards Western Balkans and to analyze forms of regional cooperation with the participation of Western Balkan countries as well as an exegesis of factors determining this cooperation.

8

Kryzys migracyjny w Unii Europejskiej z perspektywy Bałkanów Zachodnich

89%

PODGÓRZAŃSKA R.

Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej

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2017

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issue 11

295-314

EN

Considering the complex nature of the migration, the article focuses on the problem of perception of the crisis from the point of view of the Western Balkans, and above all on the implications of the migration crisis for the countries of the area. The article is not intended to be a holistic analysis of the migration issue. It concentrates only on selected aspects perceived as significant. The implications of the migration crisis for Western Balkan states should be considered at several levels. First of all, the implications of the migration crisis at the level of individual states should be taken into account, even in the context of their security. The second level of analysis is the bilateral relations of the countries of the Western Balkans and the implications of the crisis for their character and dynamics. The third is the regional cooperation of the countries of the Western Balkans. The fourth is the EU-Western Balkan relations. The migration crisis from the perspective of Western Balkan states prompts a number of conclusions. First of all, the impact of the migration crisis on individual countries in the region is varied. Secondly, the migration crisis has highlighted the shortcomings of the region’s cooperation, emphasizing differences in positions and attitudes in the context of coping with the aftermath of the crisis. Thirdly, none of the countries of the region is a destination for immigrants but a transit state on their way to more prosperous Western countries. Fourthly, the migration crisis can have a dynamic impact on the process of integration with the EU subject to the fulfillment of formal requirements by aspiring states.

PL

Uwzględniając złożony charakter migracji, artykuł koncentruje się na problemie percepcji kryzysu z punktu widzenia Bałkanów Zachodnich, a przede wszystkim na wskazaniu implikacji kryzysu migracyjnego dla państw tego obszaru. Artykuł nie ma na celu całościowej analizy problemu migracji, koncentruje się jedynie na wybranych kwestiach postrzeganych jako istotne. Implikacje kryzysu migracyjnego dla państw zachodniobałkańskich należy rozpatrywać na kilku poziomach. Po pierwsze, należy mieć na uwadze konsekwencje, jakie wywołuje kryzys migracyjny na poziomie poszczególnych państw, chociażby w kontekście ich bezpieczeństwa. Drugi poziom analizy, to relacje dwustronne i implikacje kryzysu dla ich charakteru i dynamiki. Trzeci, to współpraca regionalna państw Bałkanów Zachodnich. Czwarty zaś, to relacje UE – państwa Bałkanów Zachodnich. Kryzys migracyjny z perspektywy państw Bałkanów Zachodnich skłania do sformułowania kilku wniosków. Po pierwsze, oddziaływanie kryzysu migracyjnego na poszczególne państwa w regionie jest zróżnicowany. Po drugie, kryzys migracyjny uwypuklił mankamenty dotychczasowej współpracy państw regionu, akcentując różnice stanowisk i postaw w kontekście sposobów radzenia sobie z następstwami kryzysu. Po trzecie, żadne z państw regionu nie stanowi punktu docelowego dla imigrantów, a jedynie państwo tranzytowe w ich drodze do zasobniejszych państw zachodnich. Po czwarte, kryzys migracyjny może mieć dynamizujący wpływ na proces integracji z UE z zastrzeżeniem wypełniania przez państwa aspirujące wymogów formalnych.

9

Financing Constraints and Firm Growth in Emerging Europe

88%

Leitner S. M.

South East European Journal of Economics and Business

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2016

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vol. 11

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issue 1

18-40

EN

The paper aims to shed light on the effects of different types of financing constraints on firm sales and employment growth in Emerging Europe before and after the onset of the financial crisis. It analyzes the group of emerging NMS-10 economies (plus Turkey) and the group of economically and financially lagging Western Balkan countries. The paper demonstrates that financing constraints significantly obstruct firm growth, particularly in the Western Balkan countries, which calls for policy intervention to ensure swifter job-rich growth and catching-up with the rest of Europe. It also emphasizes that particular firm characteristics are essential for growth in Emerging Europe and demonstrates that exporting only and innovating are recipes for faster firm growth, while importing only and a high foreign ownership share seriously retard firm growth. Finally, it stresses the importance of the particular institutional environment for firms to thrive.

10

Post-Crisis Potential Output in the Western Balkans

88%

Čaršimamović Vukotić N., Jankulov Suljagić I., Smirnov I.

South East European Journal of Economics and Business

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2013

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vol. 8

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issue 1

23-33

EN

Spurred by the recent global economic crisis, there has been a resurgence of research on output gaps. As the crisis caused a decline in potential GDP due to a strong contraction in demand, it is expected that the recovery of potential output will be especially difficult in demand-driven small open economies, such as the Western Balkan countries, where recovery will strongly depend on global international trade recovery. The purpose of this research is to calculate and compare pre and post-crisis potential GDPs and GDP gaps for the Western Balkan countries. The symmetric filter method developed by Hodrick and Prescott is used to de-trend GDP time series data by decomposing it into growth and cyclical components. The results point to a strong decrease in potential output growth compared to the pre-crisis potential output growth of the Western Balkans.

11

Traditional Forms of Radicalism and Violent Extremism in the Western Balkans as the Main Challenge to Stability

88%

Hajdari L., Ivanović A. R.

Securitologia

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2018

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issue 1 (27)

79-93

EN

In this research authors investigate the issue of radicalism and violent extremism, initially examining the meaning of the terms, as well as the essential characteristics of these phenomena. Afterwards, the authors analyse and investigate the emerging forms of radicalism and violent extremism that exist in the territory of the Western Balkans, and their impact on the state of security in the region. The authors continue to study the aspect of the causes and conditions of the emergence of radicalism and violent extremism in this region while outlining the basic guidelines for the prevention of these phenomena at the end of the research. In this concern, the authors particularly emphasise the necessity of cooperation, coordination and strategic approach among all parties of the region, for the prevention of radicalism and violent extremism in the Western Balkans.

12

Media w Czarnogórze

75%

Łakota-Micker M.

Zeszyty Naukowe Dolnośląskiej Wyższej Szkoły Przedsiębiorczości i Techniki w Polkowicach. Studia z nauk społecznych

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2015

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issue 8

11-28

PL

Media stanowią istotny środek przekazu informacji. Kształtują świadomość obywateli i pozwalają docierać do szerokiego spectrum informacji. Nazywane nie bez znaczenia czwartą władzą poza funkcją informacyjną w wielu przypadkach odgrywają również rolę cenzorów. W Czarnogórze aspirującej do członkostwa w Unii Europejskiej, prowadzącej negocjacje akcesyjne, wydawać by się mogło, iż spełnione są wszelkie standardy w zakresie praw medialnych. Państwo przyjęło najważniejsze regulacje prawne w tej materii. Wnikliwsza analiza stanu wolności mediów czarnogórskich pokazuje jednak, że sytuacja nie jest tak przejrzysta. Media pozostają zależne od układów politycznych, źródeł finansowania. Środowisko opiniotwórcze jest skorumpowane, a sytuacja samych dziennikarzy trudna. Ci z nich, którzy podejmują się pisania o polityce, ujawniania nieczystych interesów, przewinień ze strony władz, organów wymiaru sprawiedliwości, narażeni są wielokrotnie na ataki, tak werbalne, jak i akty przemocy fizycznej. Artykuł ukazuje współczesną sytuację mediów w demokratycznym państwie, jakim jest Czarnogóra.

EN

Media constitute an important means of information transfer. They shape the citizens awareness and make it possible to reach a wide range of information. Being called the fourth estate, besides the information function, in many cases media become censors. In Montenegro, which aspires to become the member of the European Union and carries out the accession negotiations, it might seem that all standards as to the media law are kept. The country passed all the most important legal regulations in that matter. Yet, the deeper analysis of the freedom of Montenegro media shows that the situation is not so transparent. Media remain dependent on the political relations, sources of financing. The opinion-forming environment is corrupted, and the journalists’ situation is difficult. Those who attempt to write about politics, reveal underhanded business, abusive activity from the side of the authorities, judicial authorities, are often placed at risk of violence both verbal and physical. The article shows the current situation of media in the democratic country, which is Montenegro.

13

Uwarunkowania regionalne współpracy państw członkowskich Unii Europejskiej. Niemcy wobec aspiracji europejskich państw Bałkanów Zachodnich

75%

Malinowski K.

Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe

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2018

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issue 4

33-49

EN

The article discusses four theses regarding the attitude of Germany to the Western Balkans: 1. The main motive for Germany’s commitment to expanding the EU to Western Balkans is to complete the unification of Europe and the transfer of prosperity and stability. Germany treats enlargement policy as a test of the EU’s credibility and its ability to act extensively; 2. Without Germany, the process of enlargement to Western Balkans would not be possible; Germany gives him critical mass; 3. The unstable position of Germany regarding the date of accession of the Western Balkan states to the EU results from the necessity to take into account other priorities in European policy (reform of the euro zone) and from adverse internal conditions showing a significant potential for paralyzing EU enlargement policy (refugee crisis, changes in the German party system); 4. The current increasing EU action for the Western Balkans results from the conviction – both of the European Commission and Germany – that this is necessary in the face of the growing involvement of Russia and China.

PL

W artykule przedyskutowano cztery tezy dotyczące stosunku Niemiec do Bałkanów Zachodnich: 1. Głównym motywem zaangażowania Niemiec na rzecz rozszerzenia UE o Bałkany Zachodnie jest dokończenie jednoczenia Europy oraz transfer dobrobytu i stabilizacji. Niemcy traktują politykę rozszerzenia jako sprawdzian wiarygodności Unii i jej zdolności do działania zewnętrznego; 2. Bez Niemiec proces rozszerzania na Bałkany Zachodnie nie byłby możliwy; Niemcy nadają mu masę krytyczną; 3. Zmienne stanowisko Niemiec w sprawie terminu przystąpienia państw Bałkanów Zachodnich do UE wynika z konieczności uwzględnienia innych priorytetów w polityce europejskiej (reforma strefy euro) oraz z niekorzystnych uwarunkowań wewnętrznych, wykazujących spory potencjał paraliżowania polityki rozszerzania UE (kryzys uchodźczy, zmiany w niemieckim systemie partyjnym); 4. Obecne zwiększające się działania UE na rzecz Bałkanów Zachodnich wynikają z przeświadczenia zarówno Komisji Europejskiej, jak i Niemiec, że są one konieczne w obliczu zwiększającego się zaangażowania Rosji i Chin.

14

Handel wewnątrzgałęziowy państw Bałkanów Zachodnich w relacjach wzajemnych oraz z Unią Europejską

75%

Klimczak Ł.

Unia Europejska.pl

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2016

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issue 2

10-19

PL

W artykule przedstawiono wyniki badania, w którym podjęto próbę weryfikacji trzech hipo-tez, odnoszących się do handlu wewnątrzgałęziowego (IIT) państw regionu Bałkanów Zachod-nich w latach 2007 i 2013. Porównano udział IIT w handlu ogółem państw bałkańskich w relacjach wzajemnych oraz z Unią Europejską. Przeanalizowano zmiany tych udziałów między rokiem 2007, kiedy weszło w życie Porozumienie CEFTA-2006, a rokiem 2013. Przedstawiono także IIT krajów regionu w rozbiciu na wymianę typu horyzontalnego (HIIT) oraz typu werty-kalnego towarami o niskiej jakości (VIIT-LQ) i typu wertykalnego towarami o wysokiej jakości (VIIT-HQ). Z badania wynika, że w przypadku połowy państw bałkańskich, IIT stanowił większą część handlu ogółem w relacjach wewnątrzregionalnych niż w relacjach z wysoko uprzemysło-wionymi krajami UE. Między latami 2007 i 2013 udział IIT wykazał większą dynamikę we-wnątrz regionu niż w relacji z UE, co potwierdza pozytywny wpływ porozumienia CEFTA-2006 na strukturę handlu. Ponadto w relacjach wewnątrzregionalnych wzrósł udział VIIT kosztem HIIT, co wskazuje na rosnące różnice cenowo-jakościowe towarów będących przedmiotem wy-miany.

EN

The aim of this paper was to verify three hypotheses related to the intra-industry trade (IIT) of the Western Balkan (WB) countries in 2007 and 2013. The shares of IIT in total trade of the WB countries in regional relations and in relations with the European Union (EU) were compared. Changes of these shares between 2007, when CEFTA-2006 agreement entered into force, and 2013 were analysed. Finally, the IIT of the Balkan countries was presented in the division for a horizontal type (HIIT), a vertical type of low quality goods (VIIT-LQ) and a vertical type of high quality goods (VIIT-HQ). The research revealed that in the case of half of the WB countries, the IIT share in total trade was higher in regional relations than in relation with the EU. Between 2007 and 2013, the share of IIT showed higher dynamics inside the region than in relations with highly industrialised countries of the EU. This finding confirms a positive influence of the CEFTA-2006 agreement on trade. Moreover, in regional relations the share of VIIT grew, and the share of HIIT dropped reversely, which indicates rising price-quality differences in traded goods.

15

Academic Mobility in the Western Balkans

75%

Bošnjović J., Trivun V.

Business Systems Research Journal

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2013

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vol. 4

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issue 1

76-86

EN

Background: With the aim of encouraging mobility between higher education institutions in the Western Balkan countries and those in the European Union (EU), the European Commission initiated a series of measures to increase the share of students primarily from the Western Balkans who spend at least one semester away from their home institutions, but also the share of young people from EU member states who come to Western Balkan (WB) countries. Objectives: Aim of the paper is to determine the degree of representation of internationalisation strategy and policy elements in the internal documents of higher education institutions and its direct impact on the development of mobility. Methods/Approach: An electronic survey has been created and sent to representatives of 9 EU and 11 WB universities. Respondents were mainly international relations officers or management representatives. Mann-Whitney test was applied in order to test differences between EU and WB universities. Results: The conducted Mann-Whitney nonparametric tests show that the degree of representation of internationalisation strategy and policy elements in the internal documents of a higher education institution has a direct impact on the development of mobility. Conclusions: By 2020, the European Commission aims to have 20% of all students acquiring an academic degree within the European Higher Education Area participate in mobility. This paper sheds light on this segment and indicates possible directions for actions aimed at developing mobility at institutions in Western Balkan countries

16

The Process of Institutionalization of the EU’s CFSP in the Western Balkan Countries during the Ukraine Crisis

75%

Đukanović D.

Croatian International Relations Review

|

2015

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vol. 21

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issue 72

81-106

EN

This paper analyses the Western Balkan countries’ relationship towards the instrument of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union in the context of the measures undertaken by Brussels against the Russian Federation due to its involvement in the Ukrainian crisis. In this regard, the author first points out to what extent the countries of the Western Balkans over the past few years, that is, after the signing of the Stabilization and Association Agreement, harmonized their foreign policies with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. Certainly, the most important foreign policy challenges for the Western Balkan countries in 2014 are imposing sanctions against the Russian Federation. Some Western Balkan countries (above all, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia), according to the author’s assessment, are stretched between their intentions to join the EU and thus harmonize their foreign policy with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union on one hand, and on the other, to avoid disruption of existing relations with the Russian Federation

17

The Status of the European Integration Process of the Western Balkan Countries

75%

Domachowska A.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

|

2021

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vol. 25

|

issue 4

67-82

EN

For many years, the priority of foreign policy determined by subsequent governments of the six Western Balkan countries, i.e., Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia has been their accession to the European Union. Yet, in recent years, this process has slowed down, and so it can be assumed that in the coming years there will be no further enlargement of the EU to include any of the Western Balkan countries. The following article is aimed at analysing the present status of European integration with regard to the aforementioned states, and discusses the causes of regression in this process which can be identified on the side of the non-EU Western Balkan states and the European Union itself. Their integration is also a key issue in the context of the increasingly stronger presence of non-EU players such as China, Russia, and Turkey, all competing with the European Union for influence in this important region. The study was based on discourse analysis (including the critical discourse analysis approach) and content analysis.

18

The Maastricht Treaty and the accession of the Western Balkans. Reflections at its 30th anniversary over the coherence in the EU integration processes.

75%

Musaraj A.

Academicus. International Scientific Journal

|

2023

|

vol. 14

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issue 27

92-102

EN

At its 30th anniversary, the Maastricht Treaty remains a milestone in the history and practice of the European Union. This referring to the adhesion process, since the set of conditions that a country must accomplish have been settled and derived by the treaty, but also for the fact that now, after 20 years of entering in force, the Euro, the Union currency, has performed and faced different consecutive challenges, thus becoming observable concerning it effects and role, and as a consequence, its theoretical and practical validity. But there is yet a vast area, in the center of Europe, that is still dragging on its calvary of adhesion, that of the Western Balkans. At this point, considering the processes that the countries of this area have been going through, by pursuing the adhesion path, the analysis of the dominating factors that have determined the trajectory of their EU membership, becomes essential. The paper questions and analyses the validity of the Maastricht Treaty and subsequent criteria for the adhesion of the Western Balkan countries, as well as highlights on the ‘ad-hoc’ criteria and evaluations often applied during the process and their consequences in terms of the attitudes of the Balkan populations and their determination toward the EU and the Western Balkans adhesion.

19

Funkcjonowanie Sądu Konstytucyjnego w Albanii jako determinant procesu akcesji z Unią Europejską

75%

Podgórzańska R.

Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego

|

2021

|

issue 4 (62)

389-400

EN

The place of the Constitutional Court in Albania’s political system, the significance attributed to this institution and most of all the possibilities of fulfilment of its constitutional role are the subject of the analysis taken up in this paper. It addresses in particular the impact of the manner of operation of the Constitutional Court in the context of Albania’s European aspirations. Moreover, the study emphasises a thesis that Albania’s efforts to obtain membership of the European Union have been an essential element strengthening the process of Albania’s political, social and economic transformation.

PL

Miejsce Sądu Konstytucyjnego w systemie politycznym Albanii, znaczenie jakie przypisuje się tej instytucji, a przede wszystkim możliwości wypełniania przezeń konstytucyjnej roli stanowi przedmiot analiz podjętych w artykule. Zwraca się w nim szczególną uwagę na wpływ sposobu funkcjonowania Sądu Konstytucyjnego w kontekście europejskich aspiracji Albanii. Co więcej, w artykule akcentuje się tezę, iż dążenie Albanii do uzyskania członkostwa w Unii Europejskiej stanowiło istotny czynnik wzmacniający proces transformacji politycznej, społecznej i gospodarczej Albanii.

20

From conformance to performance? A comparative analysis of the European Union territorial policy trends in Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina

75%

Peric A., Trkulja S., Zivanovic Z.

|

2021

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vol. 28

|

issue 2

21-41

EN

As several Western Balkans countries aspire to become members of the European Union (EU) in the (near) future, it is interesting to explore to what extent EU territorial trends are adopted in both the official national regulations and spatial planning practice. To do so, we: 1) screen EU territorial policies to elucidate the trends and principles of territorial development, 2) analyse the contents of spatial plans in Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and 3) compare the practical application of the principles such as decentralisation, diffusion of power, subsidiarity, multi-actorship, synergy, transparency, citizen participation, coordinated action (among various disciplinary bodies), and holistic strategies. The findings show the ineffectiveness of declaratively adopted EU territorial trends against place-based territorial policy approaches.

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The Influence of Ethnic Power Sharing Mechanisms on the Functioning of Parliaments in the Western Balkans

Czarnogóra w procesie integracji z Unią Europejską. Szanse i wyzwania

Prospects for Extending the European Union to the Countries of the Western Balkans

Did EU candidacy differentiation impact on the performance of preaccession funds? A quantitative analysis of Western Balkan cases

Proces Berliński i jego znaczenie z perspektywy polityki zagranicznej Polski

Perspectives for Kosovo’s Accession to the EU

Regional cooperation in the process of integration of the Western Balkan states with the European Union

Kryzys migracyjny w Unii Europejskiej z perspektywy Bałkanów Zachodnich

Financing Constraints and Firm Growth in Emerging Europe

Post-Crisis Potential Output in the Western Balkans

Traditional Forms of Radicalism and Violent Extremism in the Western Balkans as the Main Challenge to Stability

Media w Czarnogórze

Uwarunkowania regionalne współpracy państw członkowskich Unii Europejskiej. Niemcy wobec aspiracji europejskich państw Bałkanów Zachodnich

Handel wewnątrzgałęziowy państw Bałkanów Zachodnich w relacjach wzajemnych oraz z Unią Europejską

Academic Mobility in the Western Balkans

The Process of Institutionalization of the EU’s CFSP in the Western Balkan Countries during the Ukraine Crisis

The Status of the European Integration Process of the Western Balkan Countries

The Maastricht Treaty and the accession of the Western Balkans. Reflections at its 30th anniversary over the coherence in the EU integration processes.

Funkcjonowanie Sądu Konstytucyjnego w Albanii jako determinant procesu akcesji z Unią Europejską

From conformance to performance? A comparative analysis of the European Union territorial policy trends in Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina