Search results - CEJSH

1

Pierwsza wojna światowa z perspektywy Wielkiej Brytanii – bilans zysków i strat

100%

Jeziorny D.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2015

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issue 2(355)

49-69

EN

Great Britain, famous for her balance of power policy during the nineteenth century, got involved in the Great War because the growth of German power challenged this European balance of power. The German aggression on Belgium demanded concrete counter-action on the part of London, where the Napoleonic times were still remembered. Great Britain fought mainly against Germany for four years and won the war. Nevertheless, the First World War had no winner. Although Britain achieving her basic political, colonial, military and economic postulates the losses were overwhelming and the whole British power was seriously weakened. Without any doubts this influenced the government’s internal and foreign policy in the interwar period. It was felt in the British capital that participation in any subsequent conflict on such a huge scale would result in the destruction of the United Kingdom’s power, a prediction which came true after the Second World War.

2

THE ECONOMY OF DALMATIA IN THE POST-WORLD WAR I DECADE – A CASE STUDY OF MAKARSKA

80%

Hrstić I.

Rocznik Przemyski

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2016

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vol. 52

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issue 1(19): Historia

75-96

EN

The end of World War I caused a major change in the geopolitical map of Europe, when four continental empires fell apart and a large number of nation-states were formed in their territories. The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was among them. Actually, it was a multinational state, created by the unification of the Kingdom of Serbia with the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, which was created only a month before by South Slavonic provinces of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy up to 1918. The changes that occurred during that process were particularly strong in the field of economy, because a completely new economic territory was formed. The goal of this paper is to research their strength and volume in the province of Dalmatia, which was the least developed province of the Austrian part of the Monarchy up to 1918. The research was conducted as a case-study, for which purpose the district of Makarska was selected. All major branches of economy were studied (agriculture and fishery; industry; trade; tourism) in the period from 1918 to 1929, when due to the introduction of King Alexander’s dictatorship and the onset of the Great Depression great changes in the economy life of the Kingdom occurred.

3

Pomoc materialna społeczności Galicji Zachodniej Legionom w 1914 roku

80%

Cisek M.

Sowiniec

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2014

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issue 45

51-91

EN

Based on the source query conducted by thee team of the Supreme National Committee at the National Archives in Kraków, this paper discusses the organization and fi nancing aid for shooting troops and Polish Legions from the society of Western Galicia in 1914. Particular attention was paid to the organization of the aid and the sources of fundraising for the Legions in Kraków and counties and municipalities in Western Galicia.

4

Kardinální problém Rakousko-Uherska za Velké války 1914–1918: Lidský potenciál na frontě a v zázemí

80%

Jindra Z.

Historická sociologie (Historical Sociology)

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2014

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vol. 2

93-113

EN

According to the 1867 constitution the Habsburg Monarchy’s armed forces consisted of the common army, the navy, the Austrian Landwehr and the Landsturm. The armed forces had authority over three ministries and were themselves subject to the rule of three parliamentary institutions. From the beginning the growth of the armed forces had not kept pace with that of the population as a whole. There was a low volume of conscripts and poor training of reservists. This resulted in a relatively small army both in peace time and during war and meant that by the spring of 1918 Austria-Hungary had practically exhausted its available human resources. This was exacerbated by the high number of losses, both through death and capture. On the battlefield the number of deaths is thought to have been between 905,000 and 1,200,000 with 1.8 million injured. At the same time the number of deaths and illness in the hinterland increased while the rate of fertility dropped. In order to resolve this the government applied a number of measures: the upper age limit of conscription increased, the necessary standards for recruitment were lowered, training period was shortened, more use of weapons, factory workers were replaced with women, prisoners of war and workers from the occupied territories. However at this time the importance of the “war economy” was also growing which resulted in an increase in firms requesting the release of their employees from military service. In 1918 the Habsburg Monarchy had not only exhausted its human resources but was also on the brink of economic collapse.

5

Attempts to extend the suffrage in wartime Hungary – 1914–1918

80%

Simándi I.

Central European Papers

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2014

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vol. 2

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issue 2

108-121

EN

After the outbreak of "Big War" the role of the wartime hinterland has changed essentially. Some of the political parties and social organizations considered that men doing their military service in the war would have deserved the extension of suffrage and women in the wartime country would have deserved to gain suffrage. One of those political parties which had the biggest mass support performed political activity for the extension of suffrage. As the Social Democratic Party gained ground its increasing popularity brought about the establishment of the organization framework of the social democratic women's rights movement, and this then reinforced its activity, launching a journal called 'Nőmunkás' (The Woman Worker). The journal described the struggle, everyday problems, means of subsistence faced by women and the parliamentary debates concerning female suffrage that did not yield a result until December of 1917. One of the most significant of the social organizations was the Association of Feminists which was founded in Hungary on 18 December 1904. Endeavours in the direction of political emancipation of women and the suffrage movement became the central aim of their activity. The journal of the Association titled "A Nő" (The Women) covered almost all of their programmes, described how the situation and position of women changed due to the war and called attention to the debates concerning suffrage and published the various views of politicians and political parties. The first significant breakthrough in these debates was a bill that was brought in the parliament by Vilmos Vázsonyi, a minister without portfolio on 21 December 1917. He was the first member of a government who was willing to provide suffrage for women even though based on qualifications. His bill aroused an important dispute among common people and politicians too. Despite of all his efforts and political arguments the bill he proposed was not supported thus the law that was passed in the parliament did not included female suffrage.

6

Relikty działań wojennych zarejestrowanych podczas badań archeologicznych na stanowisku militarnym 1–24 w Lesie Puławskim

80%

Mazurek M., Muzolf P., Sznajdrowska-Pondel A.

Raport

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2017

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vol. 12

199-212

EN

In 2016, during excavations on a military site, part 1-24, in Las Puławski, a number of remains connected with the 20th century warfare were found. The field fortifications included front-line trenches, communication trenches and shelters. The analysis of their size and function and the artefacts found in the fills indicate that only one of the fortifications may be connected with World War I. The rest of the trenches were built by the 1st Polish Army, which operated in the area in July and August 1944, during an unsuccessful attempt to cross the Vistula River between Puławy and Dęblin.

7

Східні Креси в польській суспільно-політичній думці (1914-1925 рр.)

80%

Білобровець О.

Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona

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2017

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vol. 7

261-270

EN

The notion of Kresy Wschodnie till nowadays remains one of the most arguable matter and is not clearly determined among historians and politicians, that's why has a reflection in present and influences public and political life in modern countries. In the article the meaning of this territory is analised as well as its perception in collective conscience, use of Kresy Wschodnie in political plans by Polish parties, also in Polish public and political opinion in times of World War I and at the beginning of formation of independent Poland. Polish socio-political opinion during the World War I and at the beginning of formation of independent Poland, namely Second Polish Republic, reflected main views, concepts, plans of Polish parties and had practical value for determination of Polish borders. Kresy Wschodnie was considered by Poles as ancient Poland and according to them this native land was full of strong-willed, talented people, who glorified Poland. The Poles who lived on eastern lands and belonged to Russia after the division of Poland kept trying to restore the Polish state system. November and January uprisings in XIX century, intense work and formed political parties implied to join these lands to the future state of Poland. World War I gave hope to Poles for gaining autonomy and independence. Authority appeals to the Polish nation in Russia, Germany and Austria-Hungary were referred to Poles to support ruling establishment. Different foreign policy: pro-Russia and pro-Austria-Hungary; different ideological attitudes and directions did not stop Polish political forces from joining for creating their own state after Germany and Austria-Hungary made a Declaration of Independence for Kingdom of Poland in November 5, 1916, as well as Russian Provisional Government Appeal of acknowledgement of independent united Poland in March 1917. The appearence of independent Poland after World War I forced topical issues to be solved: to define eastern borders, status of Kresy Wschodnie, political attitude towards people on these lands. This matter had two main directions. Endecja was pro-Russia and considered Russia to be an ally in future war with Germany. The National Democracy programme meant restoration of Polish lands from 1772. This included western Ukrainian lands (Kiev region, Volyn, Podil, Galicia), some part of Lithuania and Belarus. However, proclamation of new rules of international life by American President Woodrow Wilson, which were supported by Entente countries, the policy of Left governments put conditions that Endecja agreed to the part of eastern territory defined by Treaty of Riga. The policy of land incorporation was aimed at making a country nationally similar and could become an ally to Russia. This explains why Endecja did not suggest maximum territorial programmer at the east and could compromise with Russia. Lots of scientists a political figure explained such position for negotiation at international level. According to Lefts forces regarding Kresy Wschodnie, namely Polish Socialist Party, and thier leader J. Pilsudski, Ukrainians, Belarusians and Lithuanians could form their own independent states, which would become a buffer between Poland and Russia. This would make an utmost interest of Poland. One more acceptable variant would work for Lefts if Poland created a federation with Ukraine, Lithuania and Belarus. Although, in theory it implied work within political parties. In practice first Left government wanted to preserve Polish state interests and provide rights for national minorities on eastern lands. Right forces that came to rule in 1923, changed the policy according to their point of view.

8

Rilkego niepamięć wojny

80%

Kownacka D.

Res Publica Nowa

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2013

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issue 4

72-75

PL

Rilke był wprawdzie świadkiem Pierwszej Wojny Światowej, ale zupełnie nieobecnym. Unikał bezpośredniego zaangażowania w działania wojenne. Gdy nadarzyła się okazja zamknął się w murach Archiwum Wojennego w Wiedniu, by tam przetrwać ten burzliwy okres. Wielu artystów cierpiało z powodu niemocy twórczej w obliczu okropności wojny. Okres milczenia artystycznego Rilkego ledwie otarł się o czas wojenny, a powodowany był nie zewnętrznymi okolicznościami, lecz wewnętrzną niemocą wyrażenia istoty rzeczy. O wojnie pisał zwyczajnie, skupiał się na mikrotematach, własnych ograniczeniach.

EN

Rainer Maria Rilke was a witness of the First World War, but he was deep in his thoughts. He avoided being directly engaged in a military action. When the opportunity appeared he hid himself in a War Archive in Vienna and spent there all those stormy days. Many artists suffered from a creative impotence in the face of war atrocities. The period of artistic silence Rilke’s had hardly something in common with war, and was caused not by external circumstances but internal disability of expression the essence of a matter. He wrote about a war in simply words, concentrated on microelements, boundaries of human mind.

9

„Er ist ein wahrer Held“. Zur Sprachmanipulation bei der Darstellung von österreichisch-ungarischen Soldaten in der „Krakauer Zeitung“ (1916–1917). Eine Analyse von lexikalisch-morphologischen Mitteln anhand der Artikelreihe „Aus dem goldenen Buche unserer Armee“

80%

Matyjasik K.

Linguistische Treffen in Wrocław

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2020

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issue 17

175-185

EN

The aim of the paper is an analysis of the language manipulation means in the article series Aus dem goldenen Buche unserer Armee (From the Gold Book of our Army). The analysed article series were published in the Austro-Hungarian daily newspaper Krakauer Zeitung during World War I. In the paper, the manipulative-evaluate means have been examined with regards to the lexical-morphological levels of texts as well as their functions. On the basis of the analysis, the question of what image of the Dual Monarchy’s soldiers at that time could be reconstructed, has been answered. On the basis of the conducted analysis, the characteristics, descriptions and values have been determined for which the soldiers were blamed in different articles.

10

Andere Stimmen – Protest gegen Krieg und Gewalt in der polnischen und ukrainischen Dichtung über den Ersten Weltkrieg

80%

Woldan A.

Przegląd Humanistyczny

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2019

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vol. 63(1 (464))

7-25

EN

Polish and Ukrainian poetry on World War I have much in common: they were written mainly by soldier-poets, young men fighting in the Polish Legions or the Ukrainian Sich Riflemen. This poetry is, first of all, a patriotic legitimation of the war as a way of regaining political independence. Heroism and suffering for the fatherland are dominating issues. Nevertheless, besides this pathetic gesture, we can find voices that point out the horror of war and question it at all. Such criticisms is expressed by certain motives, which appear in both the Legions’ and the Sich Riflemens’ poetry, like: fratricide, lists from soldiers to their families at home, devastation of nature and culture, autumn and death, as well as pacifist notions. These voices do not form any dominant discourse in the poetry on World War I, but they are not to be ignored, as they mark a common place in the Polish and Ukrainian literature at this time, which has not been researched until now.

11

Postavení českých učitelek a jeho proměna po 28. říjnu 1918. "Jest to práce nejnevděčnější a nejbídněji placená."

80%

Bahenská M.

Střed. Časopis pro mezioborová studia Střední Evropy 19. a 20. století. / Centre. Journal for Interdisciplinary Studies of Central Europe in the 19th and 20th Centuries.

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2011

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vol. 3

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issue Supplementum_1

159-168

EN

The paper deals with the development of the education of women teachers in the Czech Lands, the position of women teachers during the lasts few years of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the creation and importance of women's teachers associations. It depicts the transformation in the teaching profession brought about by the creation of the Czechoslovak Republic, basing itself primarily on an analysis of the Women Teachers Journal.

12

I wojna światowa i sposób jej przedstawienia na przykładzie opowiadania Maksima Hareckiego Litewski chutorek

80%

Drozd K.

Acta Polono-Ruthenica

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2018

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vol. Tom 1 Nr XXIII

19-28

EN

Maksim Harecki introduced the subject of war to Belarusian literature. This story, analysed broadly, shows the consequences of the war for each party in the conflict. This is seen in the construction of the story, based on contrast and the diversified language of the narrative.

13

GOSPODARKA I SPOŁECZEŃSTWO CARSKIEJ ROSJI WOBEC PRZYSZŁEJ WOJNY TOTALNEJ. PREDYKCJE JANA GOTTLIEBA BLOCHA

80%

Pieczewski A.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2015

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issue 2(13)

113-125 (13)

EN

The aim of this article is to present John Bloch’s (1863–1902) analysis contained in the book Future War. This analyses concerns the behavior of Russian economy and society in the context of future total war (WWI). The author concludes that Tsarist Russia should better overcome war difficulties than other Western European countries. His claims were based on assumptions that societies of richer countries would hardly bear the inconvenience the war brings them. The poorer and less civilized Russian society and less developed Tsarist economy could bear more. Therefore Bloch claimed that the threat of socialist revolution refered more to Western Europe. His predictions turned out to be false. Financing and food supply for the large Russian army led to the impoverishment of society and hunger. As a result, the socialist revolution broke out in Tsarist Russia.

14

John Bloch’s The Future of War Pacifism Based on Economics

80%

Pieczewski A.

Annales. Etyka w Życiu Gospodarczym

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2016

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vol. 19

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issue 4

67-80

PL

-

EN

John Bloch (1839–1902) was a railroad tycoon, banker, social activist, philanthropist and man of science. He was shortlisted for the Nobel Peace Prize in 1902 for his multi-volume work entitled The Future of War in its Technical, Economic and Political Relations, which was dubbed ‘the bible of pacifism.’ Thanks to his multilayered activities he perfectly fits the positivist ideals of his time. Despite this, due to the course of history and ‘unfavourable circumstances’ for featuring his figure, for decades he was largely forgotten.The goal of this article is to present Jon Bloch and his works in the fields of entrepreneurship, science and most of all his attempts in aid of peace. I will present his major pacifist hypotheses and arguments which are included in his work The Future of War. The author substituted the usual religious and humanitarian arguments in aid of peace, with economic assertions. Published in many languages, the book became essential reading for the intellectuals and politicians at the break of 20th c., while Bloch gained the nickname of ‘the father of contemporary pacifism.’ In order to verify the legitimacy of this claim I will contrast Bloch’s work to a work entitled The Great Illusion, by Norman Angell. Published in 1909, eleven years after the first publication of The Future of War, Angell’s The Great Illusion is wellknown to the Anglo-Saxon readership.

15

„[…] warum schläft denn nimmer nur mir in der Brust ein Stachel?” Ernst Wiecherts Prosawerk der 30er Jahre

80%

Gajdis A., Jahrhunderts im Institut für Germanistik U. W.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Germanica

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2015

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vol. 11

EN

Ernst Wiechert’s prose written in the 1930s is best symbolized by Friedrich Hölderlin’s poem "Abendphantasie" (1799), in which the persona describes his loneliness and resignation, describing them as a thorn in his chest. The question of the identification of these feelings with the East Prussian writer is a major problem raised in the article. Wiechert certainly belongs to the group of writers associated with the so called Inner Emigration, and the studies by Herbert Wiesner, Ralf Schnell, Reinhold Grimm and Friedrich Denka support this thesis. Also, the method developed by Hubert Orlowski allows us to include or exclude literary works from inner emigration literature. This method turns out to be helpful in the interpretation of Wiechert’s works. Moreover, the question of Wiechert’s position on National Socialism is considered, which is full of contradictions, as well as his coming close to the Inner Emigration. On the basis of selected prose works created in the 1930s (e.g. "Die Hirtennovelle", "Die Majorin"), the writer’s evolution from the ‘breakthrough of grace’ to becoming an inner emigrant will be presented. Particularly noteworthy are some relevant themes in his works such as World War I, the mother figure as a prefiguration of the ‘Great Mother’ myth, the writer’s stand on National Socialism or the Mazurian landscape.

16

Okoliczności budowy stosunków dyplomatycznych pomiędzy Polską a Jugosławią w 1918 roku

80%

Morawski K. S.

Historia i Polityka

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2013

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issue 10(17)

95-114

EN

Officially, diplomatic relations between Poland and Yugoslavia commenced mid-January 1919. However, representatives of both countries had established and nurtured close cooperation already in the last quarter of 1918. As a matter of fact, the Polish and Serbian nations established some forms of cooperation with in the mid-nineteenth century, when both sought to implement major policy objectives. Circumstances surrounding the establishment of Polish-Yugoslavian diplomatic relations were reflected in the complicated political situation of both the Polish and Yugoslav peoples after the end of World War I. The present study focuses mainly on this particular issue and its aspects.

17

Nederlandse letterkunde als Belgische literatuur. Over de weg van de Duitse uitgever Anton Kippenberg naar Vlaanderen in de Grote Oorlog en de weg van de Nederlandstalige Vlaamse letteren naar Centraal-Europa in de vroege twintigste eeuw

71%

Van Den Berg H.

Neerlandica Wratislaviensia

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2015

|

vol. 25

217 - 241

EN

In current historiography of Dutch-written Flemish literature in Central Europe, this literature is framed primarily as (part of) Dutch literature. This might be plausible for recent decades. However, it is highly anachronistic for the early 20th century. A century ago, many Flemish writers preferred writing in French. French-written Flemish literature was highly successful in the international arena — as an integral part of Belgian literature, at least from an external perspective, e.g. from Central Europe. This is obvious from a reassessment of the case of Anton Kippenberg, director of the Leipzig publishing house Insel, who published Flemish authors before, during and after the Great War. As the Kippenberg case demonstrates, an adequate understanding of the circulation of Dutch-written Flemish literature in Central Europe in the early 20th century is impossible without regarding Flemish letters as (part of) a bilingual phenomenon — as Belgian literature.

18

Prvé české a slovenské analýzy „Veľkej vojny“ z rokov 1914–1915: Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk a Fedor Ruppeldt

71%

Vrábel F.

Národopisná revue (Journal of Ethnology)

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2014

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vol. 24

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issue 4

263 - 271

EN

The author devotes himself to two analyses from the first period of the War – the Czech one by T. G. Masaryk, and the Slovak one written by Fedor Ruppeldt. Both analyses constitute an important historical document about how the contemporaries felt the initial stage of the War; they show many similarities but also differences. The authors partially are in agreement about their views, assessments, and conclusions; however, they partially differ from each other. They analyse the issue of the outbreak of the War, they partially even reflect on the responsibility for the outbreak of the War – to the extent allowed by limited possibilities given by the cautiousness because of the war censorship – and they try to come to conclusions as to its next development. Differences between the Masaryk’s and the Ruppeldt’s view of the War arise both from the differences in their professional specialization, life practice and opportunities to be in contact with politicians and representatives of foreign countries, and from the possibilities to travel; in the case of Ruppeldt also from the absence of his long-time stay abroad.

19

Okoliczności powołania Rady Głównej Opiekuńczej

71%

Faszcza Ł.

Białostockie Teki Historyczne

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2017

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vol. Białostockie Teki Historyczne, 2017, tom 15

EN

The military conflict which broke out in August 1914, later named the Great War, extended into the entire territory of the Kingdom of Poland. Armed hostilities conducted by allied German and Austro-Hungarian armies against Russian forces ruined a lot of households depriving their owners of livelihood. A tragic situation of the Kingdom of Poland’s residents posed a risk of humanitarian disaster. The first organization providing help and support to civil victims of the war in the Polish territory was the Civic Committee. However, its works were interrupted in September 1915, soon after Warsaw was seized by German forces. Those who had been earlier involved in charity work knew that new authorities would probably allow to continue charity activity because a lack of interest in this issue could eventually harm the implementation of occupational policy. These expectations proved accurate. German administration gave consent for the establishment of a new social organization, i.e. Central Welfare Council [Rada Główna Opiekuńcza] (RGO). Polish environments carried out negotiations thereon with occupational authorities from October 1915 to spring 1916. Their purpose was to establish powers that the newly created institution should be vested in. The aspirations of individuals who were to work in RGO in the future sometimes exceeded the expectations of the Germans by and large. Occupational authorities did not agree, among others, for the pursuit of activity in the field of education, medical care or collection of data concerning substantive losses in the effect of warfare. Nevertheless, the attitude of German authorities was gradually becoming less consistent as they needed to win favour of the Polish society. In practice, RGO was involved not only in strictly charitable initiatives (financial support of social care centres, food distribution, organization of fund- raising, etc.) but also in educational activity, loss estimation and organization of medical facilities.

20

Emil Lederer: On the Sociology of World War

71%

Jáchymová Královcová M.

Central European Papers

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2014

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vol. 2

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issue 2

51-57

EN

The present article aims to introduce Emil Lederer (1882–1939) and the main ideas of his essay "On the sociology of the World War". Written in January 1915 this text contains a surprisingly unbiased and unique analysis of the war. Lederer deals with the topics of war technology, army organization and social structure, discusses the relationship between state and society and describes social and economic conditions of modern war. The key elements of his argumentation are the existence of universal conscription and the dual character of the modern democratic states.

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