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O RELACJI MIĘDZY SYSTEMOWYM A SPOŁECZNYM OBLICZEM KSENOFOBII W POLSCE

100%
Bulandra A., Kościółek J.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2014
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vol. 40
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issue 4(154)
75-94
EN
This article concentrates on the socio-political situation of foreigners migrating to Poland and on the social climate related to their presence. In the latter subject special emphasis will be put on the attitude of Poles towards emigrants. We point to the relations which develop between institutionalized xenophobia, i.e. the creation of administrative barriers for mobility, and the distrust Poles present towards foreigners. The research problem is defined broadly as it encompasses a historical analysis of the perception of the notion of migration, the cultural meaning of migration, and legal issues pertaining to controlling international mobility. Based on numerous research projects, reports and case studies we recognize the mechanisms which inhibit the development of space for ethnic diversity in Poland and limit the contemporary society’s openness towards the settlement of foreigners.
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‘TOO MUCH SALT’: CZECH SWEDES, JOURNALISM AND (ANTI)XENOPHOBIC DISCOURSE

100%
Jovanović S. M.
Človek a spoločnosť. Internetový časopis pre pôvodné teoretické a výskumné štúdie z oblasti spoločenských vied
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2018
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vol. 21
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issue 1
-
EN
According to the Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX), Sweden is at the top of world ranking when it comes to successful integration of immigrants and refugees. However, during the last few years, there have been xenophobic discursive attacks on Sweden, in which it is commonly claimed that Sweden is ‘failing’ when it comes to immigrant integration. Such was the case of Kateřina Janouchová, a Czech-born journalist from Sweden, who was recently in the media spotlight after producing xenophobic rhetoric. Her discourse was countered by Hynek Pallas, another Czech-born Swedish journalist, as the debate (and surrounding textual and video production) spread from Sweden to the Czech Republic and the United Kingdom. This article approaches both the xenophobic and anti-xenophobic discourse of Janouchová and Pallas from a discourse analytical perspective. Even though it can be said with certainty that accepting large amounts of immigrants and refugees (such as Sweden have done) can be somewhat problematic on the political, societal and economic levels, the xenophobic discourse about Sweden tends to be exaggerated, which will be shown in Janouchova’s rhetoric. On the other hand, the liberal media has a tendency to ‘soften’ the debate, which was seen in the rhetoric of Pallas. In summary, Janouch’s rhetoric focused on two instances: one was worded as ‘concern’ for the future of Swedish society, through which refugees were presented as a danger to Sweden; the other concentrated on ‘potential’ danger, when real troublesome issues were not found. Pallas’ discourse drew directly on the spoken and textual production of Janouch. Nevertheless, his rhetoric was different, wherein he drew upon ideologies such as cosmopolitanism, through which a humane approach is not reserved for a single people/nation, but for anyone.
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CAN SOCIOBIOLOGY EXPLAIN XENOPHOBIA AND NATIONALISM? - INTERVIEW WITH PROFESSOR VAN DEN BERGHE P. L.

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Bajt V., Mandelic D.
Sprawy Narodowościowe
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2007
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issue 30
7-23
EN
Pierre L. van den Berghe was born in 1933 in Congo, Africa. He was awarded United States of America citizenship in 1955 and lives in Seattle with his German wife. Fluent in French, English, Spanish and German, Prof. van den Berghe is a child of a mixed marriage, who also speaks Swahili, Dutch, Afrikaans and Portugues. He studied at prestigious universities of Stanford, Sorbonne and Harvard. He had lectured across the U.S., in South Africa, Kenya, Nigeria, Israel, Australia, Germany, etc. He is Professor Emeritus of the University of Washington. Professor van den Berghe is a sociologist, but considered controversial because of his insistence on the necessity to expand the social scientist's knowledge of natural sciences, especially biology. For many years he has been involved with the so-called sociobiology, a discipline that does not strictly separate the study of humans from the wider context of the evolutionary theory. Within the field of nationalism studies, van den Berghe is often labelled a 'primordialist'. This term is used for those who seek for causes of nationalism not only in relation to the past two centuries of human existence (the so-called 'modernists') but dig for answers deeper into the human history. The still very vibrant and exuberant professor visited the University of Ljubljana in May 2005, where he gave a few lectures on sociobiology.
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EUROPEAN UNION AND THE FIGHT AGAINST EXTREMISM (Europska unia a boj proti extremizmu)

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Zahora J.
Právny obzor. Teoretický časopis pre otázky štátu a práva (Juridical Review. Theoretical journal for the questions of state and law)
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2010
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vol. 93
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issue 5
448-456
EN
The author refers to the activities of the European Union aiming the fight against racism and xenophobia. It puts stress on the framework decision on the fight against certain forms and manifestations of racism and xenophobia through the criminal law that was adopted by the Council on 28 November 2008. In the analysis of the framework decision he defines criminal acts related to the racism and xenophobia and refers to other obligations related to a transposition of this framework decision. In the following section he deals with the implementation of obligations resulting from the framework decision in the conditions of the Slovak Republic. The author refers to the most important changes that were reflected in the criminal law and argues these changes. He points out to incomprehensibility, ambiguity, terminological inconsistency of the law and the violation of the principle of legal certainty, as well as to technical errors made in the legislative process.
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SOCIAL RESPONSE TO EUROPE’S REFUGEE INFLUX: SOME THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS

86%
Franz B.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2017
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vol. 43
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issue 3(165)
11-26
EN
European migration and asylum policies reflect the public opinion of the continent’s citizens. This is the presumption of this article outlining a theoretical analysis of Europe’s civil and civic society and speculating what would be necessary to change from the currently prevailing mood of paranoia and nationalist exclusivism to a more generous open, equal and humanitarian society. After outlining the current public opinion climate in the EU, the text builds upon Jürgen Habermas’s public sphere theory and Nancy Fraser’s post- Westphalian critique thereof, I use Ferdinand Tönnies distinction between Gemeinschaft (community) and Gesellschaft (society) as well as M.R.R. Osenwaade’s study of the civil and civic society concluding with an appeal for broad political reforms, because only when political elites change their approach to society and governing will Europe become a compassionate and generous society. The article’s contribution to this debate centers upon the notion that civil society as a distinctive social organization is antithetical to citizenship and instead generates individuals whose lives evolve around individualism, consumerism, and personal gratification rather than democracy, political responsibility and participation. Only with a strong but open state counter-posing the neoliberal economic trends, can we move closer to the ideal civic society.
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LEVEL OF INTERETHNIC TOLERANCE OF THE UKRAINIANS IN THE TRANSCARPATHIAN REGION

86%
Stryapko I.
Annales Scientia Politica
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2016
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vol. 5
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issue 1
42 – 47
EN
The article is devoted to the analysis of tolerance and xenophobia of the Ukrainians of the Trans-Carpathian region towards some ethnic groups. Based on the opinion polls conducted according to Bogardus method of measuring of social distance, the author analysed the attitude to the Russian speaking Ukrainians, the Hungarians, the Romanians, the Russians, the Roma, the Slovaks, the Jews, the Americans and the Hindus. The survey results indicate that the Ukrainians of the Trans-Carpathian region mostly demonstrate their tolerance towards the Slovaks, the Americans and the Russian-speaking Ukrainians. The social distance to the Hungarians, the Romanians, the Jews and the Hindus can be characterised as alienation. There is an openly xenophobic attitude towards the Russians and the Roma people.
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O dwóch psychologicznych przesłankach myślenia spiskowego. Alienacja czy autorytaryzm

86%
Korzeniowski K.
Psychologia Społeczna
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2009
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vol. 4
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issue 3(11)
144-154
EN
The aim of the article was to test whether different forms of conspiratorial thinking may be explained in a two-way manner. First, if they may be treated as a consequence of alienation (state of helplessness and estrangement), and second, as an expression of authoritarian mentality. Four forms of conspiratorial thinking were studied: xenophobia, political paranoia, conspiratorial stereotype and anti-Semitism. Results of multiple regression analyses show that alienation and authoritarianism constitute independent predictors of all four forms of conspiratorial thinking. The twofold origin theory of conspiratorial thinking was confirmed. First, it may be understood as a form of adaptation to a state of helplessness and estrangement in face of political reality. Second, conspiratorial thinking comes out as a consequence of authoritarian mentality. The results suggest that different forms of conspiratorial thinking may have a common core.
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