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EN
The article is discussed problematic aspects of Axial Age. To start with, there is a general description of Axial Age, followed by the illustration of its most important aspects, especially many cultural and spiritual changes which occurred in this period. In particular, one of the most problematic aspects is discussed – the case of Zoroastrianism. The question whether Zoroastrianism could be considered in the context of Axial Age is discussed. It is not clear at all whether it is a new or transformed religion if what we know about Zarathustra’s teaching is really what he said. There is a strong uncertainty about this problematic aspect because of a lack of sources. Nevertheless, we can find significant links to Zoroastrianism considered as part of Axial Age and Persia as axial civilization despite the absence of sources. The ethical and moral aspects of Zoroastrianic idea are also emphasized because of the rise of new cultural ontology, new spiritual ways, new vision of world; thus, new ways of understanding world which lead to new rules of human behaviour and of social life not only in Zoroastrianism but in Axial Age generally. These are the most important aspects of Zarathustra’s doctrine because as a prophet he established morality, decency, and ethic as the core parts of his main ideas which have to be expressed in good thoughts, good words and good deeds.
EN
In the first essay concerning Zoroastrian penal legal tradition we established two theories of punishments, one secular and one religious. Basing on these results we now turn to the substantive law and law of procedure. Zoroastrian penal law distinguishes different types of crimes and sins (framan, agrift, oyrist, ardus, khwar, bazay, yat, tanapuhl) according to the severity of each crime. Some of these categories (agrift, oyrist) reflect ancient tradition going back to remote antiquity. The delinquents of the capital crimes were called 'margarzan' (worthy of death) who offended the basic norms of Zoroastrian ethics and ritual or threatened the political interests of the state. Since every crime was enlisted in one of the above categories, they were generic terms. Criminal procedure was either accusatorial or inquisitorial, depending on the nature of each crime. In cases of importance the king passed the judgement, never, however, without the assistance of the priestly class. Jails served to prevent the accused to flee, although he could be released on bail. Punishments were severe, including several types of capital punishment such as crucifixion, stoning, beheading by the sword and burning. As the Syriac Acts of Martyrs show members of non-Zoroastrian minority groups, above all Christians, were prosecuted by the means of criminal law. In the forthcoming third part of the series of essays we examine the impact of modernity on the Zoroastrian legal tradition.
EN
In the third and last essay concerning Zoroastrian penal law the impact of modernity is the point of interest. After the demolition of a Zoroastrian state in Iran Zoroastrians became the subjects of the Muslim rulers. Following mass conversions Zoroastrianism was now in defence which modified also the role of criminal law in everyday practice. Although the ancient wisdom of Zoroastrianism was maintained during the centuries, the delicate distinctions in criminal terms and legal theory eclipsed. The religious and judicial tradition was embodied and carried on in a literary genre called 'rivayat'. The modern period bears witness to the disappearance of priestly authority in penal law, and the rising of a corporate judging body called 'panchayet' in India. Although these organs still exist today, their relevance in penal jurisdiction has vanished. Nowadays penal law does not play a vital role in debates among Zoroastrians, it was replaced by other important questions of modernity.
EN
The first part of a series of articles concerning Zoroastrian penal tradition deals with the theoretical background of legal thinking. According to the Zoroastrian theory of penal law the aim of the punishment was the salvation of the soul of the delinquent, while the idea of compensation of the offended party is also discernable. The crimes and sins called 'winah i ruwanig' affected above all the soul and salvation of the delinquent. By contrast, those misdemeanours which caused harm to third parties, too, were known as 'winah i hamemalan'. The penitence of the delinquent was of crucial importance in light of his afterlife and salvation. The crimes were classified by three different methods, reflecting both religious and political considerations. The former was elaborated in the 'Videvdad' and a priestly work called 'Sayast-ne-sayast', while the latter in a historical writing, 'The Letter of Tansar'. The horror caused by different crimes led to the description of hell in an apocalyptic work, the 'Arda Wiraz Namag'.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
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2018
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vol. 73
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issue 3
212 – 223
EN
The second part of the study analyses Platoʼs ambivalent use of magical terminology. On the one hand, magic is a synonym for sophistry and trickery. On the other hand, the description of Socratesʼ seductive personality is conveyed in the same magical terms used in the description of sophistry. Further, we focus on the persuasive function of Platoʼs myths, which are explicitly described as magical. The epistemic value of philosophical myths is rather problematic: Plato himself refers to them as „noble lies“. Thus philosophy, as conveyed by Plato, is a noble brand of sophistry, operating through divine enchantments and spells. In the last part we show possible Zoroastrian influences in the Socratic thought tradition.
Slavica Slovaca
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2009
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vol. 44
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issue 1
24-30
EN
This paper is an attempt to the etymology of the theonym Svarog, based on the old Indo-European morality. The absence of Svarog in the Kiev pantheon of Vladimir the Great is regarded in the broader context of Slavic mythology. Both Svarog and Volos, absent gods in the pantheon, are considered to be evil gods, i.e. non-warrior gods. The name Svarog is then derived from svariti. This etymology is supported by four important arguments: 1. as the Greek equivalent of Svarog has been mentioned Hephaestus, the god of blacksmiths, craftsmen and above all earth-born fire; 2. Svarog has been connected with the forging of weapons; 3. the oldest interpretation has associated with the punishment of the stake for women practicing polyandry; 4. Svarog has had an excellent parallel in the Scythian religion (the fire deity Tabiti).
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