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EN
Contemporary educational policy of many developed countries is permeated with the ideology of neoliberalism, the essence of which is to increase the efficiency and "focus on the best," while respecting the principle of indifference to sex, race or social origin. It is belevied that in neoliberalism, education - seen as the "good of the individual" is bringing economic benefits to society. Learning / knowledge becomes a commodity, an individual is treated in accordance with the logic of neoliberalism as "innovative entrepreneur", which determines his/her own success or failure. Here there is a dominance of rhetoric of performance, efficiency and standards together with conviction that schools should operate as excellent corporations that bring profits through routine activities, procedures, diagnosis and evaluation. In this context one can ask the question: is it still possible, to believe in emancipatory function of education?
XX
Purpose: The purpose of this article is to define the factors that contribute to the use of the category of accountability not only in the formal meaning (public finance discipline), but also for the needs of public management (effectiveness of public finances). Methodology and findings: The article indicates that one of the conditions to ensure the effectiveness of public finances in the fight against the crisis is the use of accountability rules relating to the process of public finance management. The article is based on the concept of quality of public finances and institutional arrangements used for the management of public finances Originality: This article presents two dimensions of accountability: first is the traditional approach to accountability equated with responsibility for public finance discipline; second is the modern approach in which accountability is a kind of public authority program built on the commitment to achieve the purpose and the need to account for the results. The article indicates that the category of accountability can be regarded as part of the public financial management system, both at the national and supranational level.
EN
Although e-government as a research topic is rather embedded in public-administration literature, and coordination of and through e-government is visible in European countries, coordination of and through e-government has not been paid much attention. Consequently this paper deals with this topic. Its text outlines emerging coordination practices that can be observed in European countries, and it also indicates issues using the Czech e-government development and some key national initiatives as examples. Th e presented text concludes that although elements of strategic planning may become embedded and institutional and regulatory mechanisms stabilized in the country, other issues such as a weak accountability culture may exist and hinder coordination practices.
EN
Accountability and evaluation have become an integral part of education systems and the day-to-day practice of educators in many countries around the world. The purpose of this presentation is to share an exploration of the links among evaluation, accountability and democracy which draws on the work of the French philosopher Jacques Rancière. It will be argued that evaluation and accountability intertwine not just as a condition for democracy and its improvement but also as a challenge for democracy. Firstly, the notion of evaluation and its relevance to accountability will be outlined. A more detailed outline of accountability will follow in order to present evaluation and accountability as ´explanatory scheme´ (Rancière, 2010); that is, an structure that primarily serves to explain and provide justification. To conclude, connections between accountability and democracy will be discussed and challenges posed by the former one to the latter one are explored.
EN
The fall of communism in Central and Eastern Europe imposed not only a transition towards a new regime, but also the reconstruction of the democratic institutions. That meant, as Peter Mair puts it, that the firsts to come to power had the great advantage of shaping the administration and government agencies for their own benefit. This consequently led to establishing clientelistic networks and party patronage by spoiling offices. At the same time, the new post-communist democracies had to transform themselves, from a totalitarian regime with a unique party which controlled merely every aspect of politics and society, into pluralistic societies with multiparty systems. That also meant that the political actors had to win their positions through an open and democratic electoral process, thus having to create electoral linkages in order to secure their sits. Many local political figures in post-communist Romania interpreted this new situation by buying the votes and by establishing clientelistic linkages, based on offering various goods, favors or social security benefits in the exchange of the vote and of the electoral support. These practices led to the emergence of powerful local political elites, with increased popular support and significant influence in the party structure due to their electoral linkages, the so-called local barons. This paper seeks to explore the connection between such local electoral clientelistic networks and the populist approach employed by the respective local political elites.
EN
The term “accountability” refers to a manner of assuming responsibility, in particular a relevant verifi - cation of particular actions and processes located in time and assigned to a concrete subject. Usu ally the following two types of accountability are identifi ed: inter-institutional (horizontal) accountability and electoral (vertical) accountability. Accountability applies primarily to the executive branch of government, but it is included in the much wider range of the accountability of the particular institutions of a political system. It constitutes an element of the quality of democracy. There have been oscillations in the level of accountability in the political system of the Polish Third Republic. It was lowered in the years 2007–2015 when symbiosis occurred among the establishment, the state bureaucracy, the business community, and public opinion polling institutions.
EN
Analyzing the statistics of disciplinary offenses have to say that the introduction of significant changes in the legislation has a very beneficial effect on the behavior of the police officers as well as the socio-economic situation in our country contributed to the reduction of behavioral and disciplinary offenses of which is the formation of a uniformed police. The legislature clearly, as well as first and foremost a very crude manner established rules of disciplinary responsibility of police officers. You should know, however, that there are few professions that are so widely extended to disciplinary action (including off-duty) and a code of professional ethics. The mere fact that the police is the formation of serving the society and above all also designed to protect the safety of people and to maintain public order and safety as well as it has for society prevent the onerous power to impose administrative measures, i believe that being a cop is a special honor for the officer, and society such a person should be the object of respect. However, at this point we have to say that our Polish society for various reasons, do not chump to officers too much respect, it is often the target of attacks hooligan and the butt of jokes. Police officers except that they are public officials who bear a special responsibility by virtue of their functions, they are mostly „ordinary people’’.
EN
The paper analyses two provisions of the Act of 10 May 2018 on Personal Data Protection. It describes the structure and characteristic features of acts which obstruct or frustrate an inspection of compliance with personal data protection provisions. The paper emphasises the importance of powers held by a supervisory authority, the President of the Office for Personal Data Protection, especially in the context of the EU legislation. The article also gives examples of interrelationship between the controller and the entity that is controlled and discusses the way this impacts criminal liability. It presents a comparative analysis of the said provision alongside its analogous provision which is related to inspection carried out under Article 55 of the Act of 14 December 2018 on Personal Data Protection in Connection with Preventing and Fighting Crime. The final conclusions include some proposals for, inter alia, the analysis of problems noted by the Personal Data Protection Office while conducting control proceedings in the years 2018–2019.
Journal of Pedagogy
|
2012
|
vol. 3
|
issue 1
11-29
EN
Introduced to the British education system under the Education Act 2002 and later enshrined in the New Labour government White Paper Higher Standards, Better Schools for All (DfES, 2005), the Academies policy was set up to enable designated under-performing schools to ‘opt out’ from the financial and managerial remit of Local Authorities (LAs) and enter into partnerships with outside sponsors. A radical piece of policy legislation, it captured New Labour's commitment to (further) private sector involvement in public sector organisation - what might be termed a neoliberal or advanced liberal approach to education reform. A consequence of this has been the expansion of school-based definitions of ‘public accountability’ to encompass political, business, and other interest groups, together with the enlargement of the language of accountability itself. In this paper I address the importance of rethinking conventional public/private, political/commercial divides in light of these developments and foreground the changing nature of state power in the generation and assembly of different publics.
EN
The rise of social media has given a significant boost to the information and communication industry. Prior to now, the common news outlets were the mainstream print and electronic media, domiciled in specific locations, and guided by particular laws of nation states. These laws, for the most part, regulated and enforced decency, compelling practitioners to adhere to the ethics of truth, reason and democracy. But with the rise of social media platforms like Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, LinkedIn, etc., that are used by enormous number of people to communicate, network, and advertise their businesses, the determination of information to be released to the public is no longer under the monopoly of a select few technocrats and entrepreneurs. Once the immediate access to these facile communication channels of social media is set in place, everyone with a basic social skill becomes a communicator of news. This phenomenon has revolutionized the media industry, giving everyone opportunity to have information at the snap of their fingers. But by the same token, and leveraging on the complexity of formulating regulating laws, the social media circumvents most existing norms, leading to abuse of public trust, credibility deficit and crisis of confidence. This essay makes a foray into the responsibility of social media in what concerns truth, reason and democracy. Using the analytic method, it gauges the current social media practice vis-à-vis the traditional media, and highlights the gray areas that precipitate abuse. The essay concludes by advocating for strict adherence to media ethics that will promote the values of responsibility, fairness, truthfulness, accountability and universal democratic ideals.
EN
The article analyses the concept of data, presents various purposes of working with data in schools and deals with the readiness of people at school to work with data. In the final part the article summarizes selected results of a pilot survey carried out in Czech schools and abroad, focused on finding out how and with what data schools work, which attitudes school leaders adopt towards this activity, how those respondents evaluate their own readiness for work with data and which needs they express in this respect.
EN
The paper refers to the essential problem of the European political space, namely the insufficient implementation scale of accountability standards, which has a direct effect on the democratization of the European political system, specifically on the democracy deficit. The paper was presented the accountability standard on the background on the EP election in 2014, with the strong focus on the relations between the voters and the EP candidates. In the analyses the factors characterizing the quality of political discourse were considered taking into account both, the electorate political activity (principal – in the meaning Principal-Agent-Theory), as well as the offer of the running politicians (as the agents).
EN
The aim of this paper is to identify and assess, on a comparative, intra-country basis, the existing practices and developments in central bank accountability for financial stability, from a new–macroprudential policy–perspective. The paper aims to contribute to the ongoing debate on institutional arrangements for macroprudential policy. The debate as to whether the combination of monetary policy and financial supervision within one institution is not new. Nevertheless it is far from being resolved. The paper points to the need to establish clear, formal and robust mechanisms of central bank involvement in the process of executing macroprudential policy, at least as a data collection and analyzing institution.
EN
A distinction should be made between institutional media accountability and journalistic accountability. The latter individualizes the accountability of media organizations and enables the public to see the individual journalist (with his own ideas, sense of moral values) instead of a homogeneous mass that fits into the corporate journalistic system. This paper focuses on the possibilities accomplished by journalists’ blogs: are these new instruments of accountability that enable individual journalists to highlight their personal moral sensitivity and open their information processing practices to the public? Do Estonian journalists have enough incentives and autonomy to use weblogs as an opportunity to explain their professional decisions or even openly confront the editorial opinion? The analysis draws on 11 qualitative interviews conducted with Estonian journalists and editors. The findings indicate that the fading interest in weblogs is not the main reason why personal blogs of professional journalists would not function as accountability instruments. Journalists seldom describe attitudes that would characterize the “socially responsible existentialist.”
EN
The constructivist approach is among the most popular in the international relations and particularly useful in the analysis of the European integration processes. It allows a broad analysis of participants’ preferences, motives and interests in international cooperation. States and international organizations develop collective identities within processes of communication and deliberation. Constructivism helps to understand those processes and their infl uence on making and developing international law. Constructivism is also used as a legitimizing approach, especially in the context of difficulties in the validation of the activities of international institutions at the supranational level. It offers alternative concepts to the traditionally understood democratic legitimacy
EN
Aim/purpose – This research presents a conceptual stakeholder accountability model for mapping the project actors to the conduct for which they should be held accountable in artificial intelligence (AI) projects. AI projects differ from other projects in important ways, including in their capacity to inflict harm and impact human and civil rights on a global scale. The in-project decisions are high stakes, and it is critical who decides the system’s features. Even well-designed AI systems can be deployed in ways that harm individuals, local communities, and society. Design/methodology/approach – The present study uses a systematic literature review, accountability theory, and AI success factors to elaborate on the relationships between AI project actors and stakeholders. The literature review follows the preferred reporting items for systematic reviews and meta-analyses (PRISMA) statement process. Bovens’ accountability model and AI success factors are employed as a basis for the coding framework in the thematic analysis. The study uses a web-based survey to collect data from respondents in the United States and Germany employing statistical analysis to assess public opinion on AI fairness, sustainability, and accountability. Findings – The AI stakeholder accountability model specifies the complex relationships between 16 actors and 22 stakeholder forums using 78 AI success factors to define the conduct and the obligations and consequences that characterize those relationships. The survey analysis suggests that more than 80% of the public thinks AI development should be fair and sustainable, and it sees the government and development organizations as most accountable in this regard. There are some differences between the United States and Germany regarding fairness, sustainability, and accountability. Research implications/limitations – The results should benefit project managers and project sponsors in stakeholder identification and resource assignment. The definitions offer policy advisors insights for updating AI governance practices. The model presented here is conceptual and has not been validated using real-world projects. Originality/value/contribution – The study adds context-specific information on AI to the project management literature. It defines project actors as moral agents and provides a model for mapping the accountability of project actors to stakeholder expectations and system impacts.
EN
Educational decision makers willingly draw on solutions adopted in other countries. It was also the case in Polish educational reform started in late 90s. Since the introduction of the reform, Poland joined countries whose educational system is divided into three levels, each ending with an exit exams and core curriculum is set to teaching standards. The exams seem to be the most important element of the Polish reform. While the designers of educational policies are often inspired by the experiences of other countries during the planning phase, they are less willing to learn from them when it comes to predicting outcomes of the reform. A good case to analyze potential consequences of high-stakes testing is United States, where standardized tests have been administered since the beginning of the era of mass education. In this paper I will analyze the effects of the last, most controversial federal reform, commonly known as No Child Left Behind introduced in 2002. Findings of the study might be used to predict potential unintended effects of using the high stakes tests for accountability policy. The article addresses the problem of test scores inflation as well as the factors which may accelerate it.
Prawo
|
2019
|
issue 329
263 - 275
PL
Artykuł analizuje zagadnienie niezależności organów administracji publicznej na przykładzie statusu polskiego organu antymonopolowego. Obejmuje ukazanie ewolucji statusu prawnego organu antymonopolowego i omówienie jego aktualnej pozycji prawnej. Badaniom poddano również dyrektywę ECN+ i obowiązki, jakie nakłada na władze krajowe w zakresie niezależności krajowych organów antymonopolowych. Opracowanie podejmuje także problem faktycznej niezależności organu antymonopolowego oraz niedostatecznych gwarancji rozliczalności tego organu. W konkluzjach wykazano, że formalna niezależność organu antymonopolowego może w polskich warunkach prowadzić do skutków sprzecznych z założeniami dyrektywy ECN+.
EN
The article analyzes the issue of independence of public administration authorities. This analysis is based on the example of the Polish antimonopoly authority. It includes presenting the evolution of the legal status of an antimonopoly authority and discussing its current legal regime. The presented research also covered the ECN+ Directive and the obligations it imposes on national governments in relation to the independence of national antitrust authorities. The article also addresses the problem of the actual independence of the antimonopoly authority and the insufficient guarantees of its accountability. The conclusions show that the formal independence of the antimonopoly authority may in Polish conditions lead to effects contrary to the assumptions of the ECN+ Directive.
EN
The article examines several aspects of the organisational reform of public services in EU-10 countries based on accountability theory. First, it briefly summarises what reforms have been introduced and describes their internal contradictions. The author argues that these internal tensions stem not just from the introduction of ‘new public management’ ideas into a completely different context, but also from the fact that the conceptual bases of one of the key objectives of these reforms – greater accountability – are internally contradictory. To understand these inconsistencies, the author analyses the various meanings of ‘accountability’ and shows how the term differs from ‘responsibility’. He then examines the understanding of accountability as a type of social relation. The author also distinguishes the different forms that accountability can assume and defines the incompatible objectives and expectations that tie them together. In the second part of the article the author analyses reforms in the EU-10 and formulates three theoretical propositions on the nature of accountability and its potential consequences: (1) too much accountability operating in too many directions can lead to professional disorientation; (2) too much emphasis on the assessment of outcomes at the expense of an assessment of processes, which can result in a phenomenon that the author calls ‘the institutionalisation of conformity’; (3) the asymmetry of accountability, i.e. the uneven distribution among different actors of the responsibility to account for actions, which can generate a reduced sense of fairness and legitimacy.
EN
This study investigates whether Facebook would be an ‘effective and easy’ teaching tool in ESL classes in South Korean universities. Using a teacher’s diary, action research was conducted. The study indicated that Facebook is not different from other new teaching tools; the teacher must familiarize him/herself with the tool to use it confidently. Second, a student’s ‘lazy factor’ is quite problematic in the learning process. Lastly, action research and a teacher’s journal can increase teacher’s self-accountability.
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