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EN
The article deals with the concept of “agenda setting” in media as well as focuses on the first level of this process (a selection and a prioritization of the particular events that are presented in the television news). Namely, these events become a basic source of information about the contemporary political world. Any bias manifestations have been omitted deliberately as it goes in tandem with manipulation techniques (such as assessment, for instance). Moreover, it has been assumed that the degree of bias is an inherent feature of the media as it constitutes the crucial element of the central-level politics. Moreover, not only has been stated that this bias may be resulted in the pressure of politicians, but also that this phenomenon is downright an unavoidable feature of media. Thus, the differences between agendas of the various television news were analyzed and presented on the basis of both the data and the own research.
EN
Over the last 20 years we’ve experienced the internet revolution and dynamic growth of different kinds of media, notably social media. In that contemporary context the author poses a following question: what are the current basic mechanisms of media impact on public opinion? The paper focuses on three key models and theories of media effects: agenda setting, framing and priming. The analyses are situated in the context of political science and social communication.
PL
Od blisko dwudziestu lat mamy do czynienia z rewolucją internetową i dynamicznym rozwojem różnych rodzajów mediów – zarówno klasycznych, jak i serwisów społecznościowych. W takim kontekście autor postawił następujące pytanie analityczne: jakie są współcześnie podstawowe mechanizmy wpływu mediów na społeczeństwo i opinię publiczną? Opracowanie zawiera przeglądową charakterystykę trzech podstawowych modelów wpływu mediów: agenda setting, framing oraz priming. Rozważania ujęto przede wszystkim w kategoriach medioznawczo-politologicznych.
EN
Why do political actors pass legislation that seemingly hurts them? Lustration laws limit access to public offi ce of the ancien regime's collaborators and hurt members of post-communist parties in East-Central Europe. So why has lustration in Poland, Hungary, and Bulgaria been passed when post-communist parties held parliamentary majorities? Why did the postcommunist party in Romania switch from no-lustration to pro-lustration after the 1992 elections? We explain this phenomenon by electoral timing and rules of procedure in legislatures. Specifi cally, we develop an agenda-setter model with a fi nite number of parties, imperfect information, and multiple potential medians. Our main argument can be summarized as follows: Suppose that the Postcommunists do not introduce any lustration bill and then lose proposal power in elections. If Anti-communists come to power, they are sure to introduce a harsher bill, and the median of the legislature may prefer such a bill to a no-bil status quo. Post-communists can prevent such a scenario by implementing a mild bill themselves. If they manage to appease the new parliamentary median, they will block a harsher bill that would be implemented after they lose power. Additional results show how electoral perspectives and uncertainty affect and modify this typical scenario. We test our model with an exhaustive analysis of all cases from East- Central Europe that meet our assumptions that a Postcommunist party is in power and no lustration bill is already in force.
EN
Th e present study is part of a complex research project dealing with the suitability of media language to spread religious messages. It deals with the nature of the communication chan- nel of the mass-media. It is based on the qualitative research carried out especially by means of the methods of focus groups and Delphi Techniques. Starting with the key issue of the function of journalism, the study gradually investigates the attributes of the media communication channels according to their approach towards religious topics. Based on this criterion, the research divides media into two groups: secular and religious media. Th e study carefully investigates their internal motivation, commerciality, democratic nature and publicity, agenda setting and capacity to change people.
EN
The goal of the study is to verify, based on empirical data, the agenda setting, framing and priming theoretical conclusions and to utilize them as interpretative narratives on the pre-election period of media discourse on Polish TV. Then the question was – how the media set the agenda, which frames they used to make news interpretation, and what was/were the most accessible real problems/issues, that conditioned party/candidate assessment (if at all) and at last – which (if at all) would have been the consequences of the mentioned above media reporting towards political process? The empirical base of investigation were TV news programs in Polish both public (TVP1 – “Wiadomości”) and commercial TV (TVN – “Fakty”).
PL
Artykuł opisuje rolę serwisu Twitter w czasie wybuchu „afery podsłuchowej”. Autor w niniejszym tekście wskazuje na coraz to większy wpływ informacji zamieszczanych na mikroblogu. W konsekwencji treści pojawiające się w serwisie znajdują swoje miejsce w mediach tradycyjnych, co tylko potwierdza hipotezę intensyfikacji współpracy nowych mediów z mediami tradycyjnymi. W niniejszym artykule autor porusza również kwestie roli Twittera w procesie mediatyzacji polityki, a także jego wpływu na tworzenie agenda setting.
EN
The article describes the role of Twitter in the outbreak of the phone hacking scandal. The author of this text points to the growing influence of information posted on microblog. As a result, the contents appearing on the service are reflected in the traditional media, which only confirms the hypothesis of ever-increasing cooperation of new media with traditional media. The author also discusses the role of Twitter in the process of mediatization of politics and its impact on the creation of agenda setting.
EN
The aim of the presented theoretical-empirical study is to find quantifiable data reflecting information about foreign societies in foreign news through a case study, in which we use quantitative content analysis, focusing on the occurrence of information about events in the European Union and their thematic context. We point out the thematic connection and the position of the European Union in broadcasting in comparison with information about individual states of the world and mainly European countries. Due to the broad spectrum of the topic, we opted for a case study on the Slovak news television TA3, while the research material represented all news content focused on foreign events broadcast during a period of two months (1,621 news items). The theoretical part of the study is focused on a brief definition of key terms, in this case news, agenda setting, pro-Europeanism and Euroscepticism. The results of the research point to the dominant position of the European Union in the broadcasting of the chosen television news, while this international grouping of states is presented as a unified political entity appearing in international political events as an entity equivalent to other countries.
EN
Regional and local print and electronic media in Slovakia achieved the significant development since the 90s of the 20th century. Paradoxically, relevant attention is not yet devoted to the question of media operating in the territory of a village or a region in context of regional political communication in Slovakia. Regional and local media are important communication factors in a relation local politics – media – the public although they fulfill other functions as well. The aim of this research was to prove the application of regional and local media as effective tool for creation of desired image of municipality ´s representatives in the essential part of the public through the exhibition of the display of the selected media effects in relation local media – local audience. This research maps political communication of the representatives of Slovak town Žiar nad Hronom by means of contents analysis published in Mestské noviny Žiar nad Hronom. It concentrates on frequency of display of the public representatives and the recipient´s understanding of their importance as well as establishing the themes that city management considers to be priority. It is assumed that systematically and strategically directed communication through the local newspapers can maintain popularity of actual political representation and form desirable media image of its political representatives.
EN
The emergence of personal media provides new opportunities to relate to our social world. Newspapers, network radio and television and news magazines reach down vertically, as it were, to reach everyone, men and women, rich and poor. Social media, such as magazines, websites, Facebook and Twitter, reach across horizontally to connect with communities already interested in particular topics. Th e availability of these two types of media allows us to pick and choose among agenda items to find a level of personal or horizontal comfort among messages that tell us what we should be doing and messages that entice us to do what we want to do. In short, this paper argues, we mix media agendas to create compatible public (and private) communities. The media agenda communities that are emerging are more like the flat strips that make papyrus paper than the massive stones that characterize the pyramids that dominate the horizon, an emerging papyrus society where authority is much more democratized and fused.
PL
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie wyników analizy treści tureckiej codziennej prasy anglojęzycznej pod kątem ukazywania protestów na Bliskim Wschodzie nazywanych Arabską Wiosną. Dwieście dwadzieścia pięć artykułów pochodzących z dzienników „Hürriyet Daily News” i „Today’s Zaman” w okresie styczeń–czerwiec 2011 przeanalizowano pod kątem agenda setting i framingu oraz jakościowo, bazując na schemacie George'a Gerbnera. Pierwsza część pracy jest poświęcona krótkiej charakterystyce tureckiego rynku prasowego, następnie opisano metodologię badań. Przedstawienie wyników badań zostało podzielone na dwie części – ilościową analizę zawartości oraz pogłębioną jakościową analizę treści.
EN
The aim of the article is to present the results of content analysis of depiction of middle-eastern protests often called Arab Spring in Turkish daily newspapers published in English. Using agenda setting and framing analysis supplemented by George Gerbner's Message System Analysis scheme, 225 articles from published from January to June 2011 in “Hürriyet Daily News” and “Today’s Zaman” were analyzed. The article begins with short presentation of Turkish press market, after which there is a description of methodology used in the research. Results of the analysis were divided into two parts devoted to quantitive and qualitative analysis.
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