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Alkoholizowanie się młodzieży szkolnej (na podstawie badań w szkołach w Bochni w latach 1913, 1967, 1990)

100%
Migdał J.
Archiwum Kryminologii
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1994
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issue XX
155-176
EN
The paper discusses the findings of a studv into the structure of consumption of alcoholic beverages by school youth in Bochnia. The findings reflect the situation in that sphere in 1990 as compared to 1913 and 1967. The choice of Bochnia as the area to be examined, and also of the years 1913 and 1967 as the basis for comparisons, was not accidental. Available are the findings of a study of consumption of alcoholic beverages by school youth of that town conducted in 1913 by a district school superintendent J. Ciembroniewicz, and also of a 1967 study conducted by J. Bardach from the Research Center of the Main Board, Social Anti-Alcoholic Committee headed by A. Święcicki. Most of the Bochnia school youth examined in 1990 have the same regional background as the persons examined in 1913 by J. Ciembroniewicz and in 1967 by J. Bardach. Since 1913, and then since 1967, certain cultural and moral transfomations have taken place; yet the changes do not seem to be tooo extensive, the mores so as there was no increase in migration of the population in the discussed area. A possible explanation of this rather low mobility is that, during the decades  covered by this paper, no large undustrial plants were built in Bochnia which would attract people from various regions of Poland, with their different cultural and moral patterns, acting towards transformation of the town’s original social structures. On the other hand, the local industrial plants, the Metallurgical Processing Factory and the Salt Mine in particular, as well as trade and services were developed enough to offer a sufficient numer of workplaces to the  population of Bochnia. In 1913, J. Ciembroniewicz examined 2098 young persons not older than 14. His report makes no mention of the numer of schools included in the  survey, stating only that youth from all types of schools were examined. 1231 boys and 867 girls were the respondents of a questionnaire survey. The extend to which this sample was representative cannot be appraised today for lack of detailed data as to the total school population in Bochnia in 1913. The material gathered by J. Ciembroniewicz should be seen as sufficiently extensive to evaluate the structure of  consumption of alcoholic beverages by the Bochnia school youth of those days. The 1967 study was a questionnaire survey of a sample of children from forms 5 – 8 of all Bochnia elementary schools, aged 14 at the most. The sample  consisted of 1314 persons; 1199 quetionnaires were submitted to analysis. Examined in 1990 were all children of forms 5 – 8 of Bochnia elementary schools present at school on the day of the survey (absent were e.g. the sick children). The sample consisted of 1500 persons, and 1437 questionnaires were analysed (the remaining 63 were rejected for various defects). The basic purpose of the study was: (1) to define the changes in drinking habits and the structure of consumption of alcoholic beverages during the 20th century, and (2) to show the socio-educational effects of the parents’ drinking on the shaping of their children’s attitudes towards alcohol. In all three studies, a questionnaire was used to gather data. The 1990 questionnaire was designed so as to include questions the same as or similar to those asked on 19l3 and 1967. The questionnaire used by J. Bardach, however, was not a verbatim repetition of that prepared by J. Ciembroniewicz. New questions were added, and some of those original were reformulated for precision or written in the modern language. The 1990 author took similar steps. The questionnaires were distributed to the children who wrote their answers by themselves. The findings were as follows:            (1) In 1990 as compared to l967, and in 1967 as compared to 19l3, the proportion of school youth who drank alkoholic beverages went down in Bochnia. This is true for boys and girls alike. In 1913, the proportion of girls who drank nearly equalled that of boys but proved much lower both in 1967 and in 1990.             (2) Considerable changes also took place in consumption of the separate alcoholic beverages. In 1990 as compared to 1967, and in 1967 as compared to 1913, consumption of both beer, wine, vodka was the decrease. The only exception here is a slight growth in the consumption of beer in 1967 as compared to 1913. Generally speaking, however, the proportion of beer drinkers was 2 times lower, and that of vodka drinkers – over 3.5 times lower. This drop between the years 1913 and 1990 was particularly marked in the case of girls: consumption of beer was over 4 times lower, of wine – over 2 times lower, and of vodka – nearly 6 times lower in 1990 as compared to 1913.             (3) Also the frequency of consumption of alcoholic beverages by the youth went down. The later the study, the smaller the proportion of both boys and girls who drank alcohol often and very often. The above concerns respondents of all age groups. (4) In general, the highest proportion of boys always drank in the company of their parents. The exception here is the 1967 sample: the boys then drank most often with their peers. In 1913, 1967, and 1990 alike, the proportion of boys who drank in the company of their parents went down with age. A similar trend was found in the case of boys who drank in the company of other adult family members. What grew with age, instead, was the proportion of boys who drank in the company of their peers, on their own, or together with adults from outside their family. As regards girls, in 1913, 1967, and 1990 alike, most of those who at all drank alcoholic beverages did it in the company of their parents. Striking among both boys and girls is the high proportion of young persons who drank in the company of their peers or on their own. This trend was particularly marked in l967 as compared to 1913. This finding is  the more important as in the case of this group, the role of the family as controller of the alcohol-related habits and particularly the type and amount of alcohol consumed was largely reduced.             (5) In l9l3, 1967, and 1990 alike, most boys drank on church holidays, at festivities, weddings, celebrations of baptism, and parties, that is occasionally. (6) As for the yoith’s contacts with drinking persons, the situation proved much different in 1990 as compared to 1967 and 1913. In 1967 and 1990, 2 times as many boys as in 1913 saw a drink parent or older sibling. In the case of girls, this difference between l9l3, 1967, and1990 is greater still. *      *     * The findings of the 1990 study manifest the occurrence over the years of advantageous changes in the drinking habits and structure of consumption of alcoholic beverages among children up to 14 in small towns.  Interestingly enough, there is a continuous discrepancy between two groups of data: in the period 1913‒1990, there was a regular  decrease in the proportion of young persons who had drank alcohol at least once before the survey while the general extent of alcohol consumption was on a constant increase. These data correspond with national findings which show that today, about 50–60 % of young persons in the discussed age group drink alcohol. In the age15 to 18, as many as over 80% of Polish youth accasionally drink alcohol. The general social knowledge on the harmful effects of drinking is much more extensive today than it was in the early 1900’s. At present, hardly  any mothers use an  alcohol-soaked cloth to calm their babies; hardly any parents treat their thirsty children to a beer during harvest; hardly any fathers have a drink with  their small sons. Such practices did take place earlier in our century. Even if they drink themselves, the parents and educators of today are aware of the threats involved in drinking and try hard to delay the children’s first encounter with alcohol. With the child’s growing criticism, the discrepancy between the adults’ opinions and their actual drinking habits noticed by juveniles makes the latter reach for alcohol. Another factor that greatly contributes here is the reduced authority of the family and the growth of importance of a peer group. All these processes are not intensified until puberty, that is after the age of 14. This is not to say, however, that alcohol consumption at its present level is low. After all, the 50 to 60% of  children aged up 14 who at least occasionally drink alcohol constitute a very high proportion.
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Nadużywanie alkoholu w biografiach młodocianych toksykomanów

75%
Tomczak J. W., Zakrzewski P.
Archiwum Kryminologii
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1982
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issue VIII-IX
389-401
EN
In the present study the young adult drug addicts are discussed who were included in the multidisciplinary research conducted by the Department of Mental Health of the Polish Academy of Sciences. An attempt is made to reveal the psycho-social mechanisms which cause the co-existence of excessive drinking and taking other drugs causing dependence. This problem is insufficiently elucidated both in Polish and foreign scientific literature. We do not cite here the description of the methods employed in the study of sufficient information is provided for in the summary of the study of the progress of dependence and changes in the social behavior of young adult drug addicts, published in the present volume. Attention should be drawn to a difference in the methods: in the present study, we deal first of all with young adult males. Among girls, excessive drinking does not play any important role, therefore the coexistence of alcohol and other drugs in their life stories occurs comparatively rarely. The phenomenon of excessive drinking occurred in 48 boys - drug addicts, which makes 58% of the total of 83 boys. Excessive drinking generally preceded the taking of drugs; alcohol was also used as a mean to soften the abstinence symptoms due to a temporary lack of the basic drug; drinking resulted also from a futile attempt at withdrawal from an advanced morphine habit. The cases of simultaneous drinking and taking of narcotic drugs in order to achieve more intense experiences were rare, as well as those of alternate drinking and taking drugs; in this last case, it meant that the individual was first of all anxious to strenghten the bonds between the members of the group, not yet feeling any mental nor all the more physical symptoms of dependence on alcohol or other drugs. To sum up, we noted in the large part of the addicts the easiness of changing from narcotic drugs to alcohol and vice versa. The possible general interpretation of these facts is as follows: individuals with certain personality deficiencies are characterized by a low tolerance to defeats, stress and tensions, which causes the need to seek the so-called “mental prothesis” or the desire to change one’s own state of mind. These needs and desires can be aggravated by the intensified symptoms of puberty, among them excessive and inadequate emotional reactions, discontent with one’s everyday duties and necessities, states of depression and dysphoria. Both alcohol and narcotic drugs can soothe these needs on temporarily satisfy them, though naturally not identically nor to the same extent. Therefore, where greater efficiency of reaction is desired, the individual may pass on to narcotic drugs. On the other hand, when the person is first of all anxious to soothe the conflicts with his immediate environment, to avoid pressure by the police and the sentence, i.e., meet with more indulgence on the part of his environment and at the same time to have less problems with purchasing a particular drug, and thus to avoid in future the painful  withdrawal symptoms - in such cases the conversion from morphine or other drugs to alcohol is probable. Among the individuals who had often drunk alcohol before they started taking narcotic drugs, the later reverse to alcohol to soothe withdrawal  symptoms caused by the lack of morphine or other drugs which brought about the state of dependence, is highly probable as the individuals in question already know the influence, of alcohol and the favourable reaction of their organism to it.
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Nieprzystosowanie społeczne i środowiska rodzinne młodzieży systematycznie nadużywającej alkoholu

63%
Mościskier A.
Archiwum Kryminologii
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1982
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issue VIII-IX
339-362
EN
The present paper is a report on the studies conducted in the years 1975-77, dealing with a group of young regularly excessively drinking men aged 18-25. The population from which the sample was randomly drawn consisted of men aged 18-25 inhabiting 4 of the 7 districts of Warsaw and reported by the district constables of the police as persons regularly excessively drinking (that is, getting drunk more frequently than once a week). The district constables reported the total of 1,273 men meeting the above criteria, which makes about 3% of the number of all men of this age living in these districts. In reality, the percentage of men of this age regularly excessively drinking is probably much higher, as a considerable number of constables stated that they worked in their districts for too short a period to know all the persons living there who would qualify for the study. From the mentioned population, 331 persons were randomly drawn for the study. The materials employed consist of interviews with the mothers of the examined persons and of information from official sources court records, prison files, documents of juvenile courts and detoxication centres. The similar data were gathered as regards all brothers of the examined persons who were also aged 18-25. When beginning the study, it was acknowledged that considering the criteria for the selection of the population, first of all persons with negative family background would be selected and that this very environmental  characteristic would be the main determinant of differentiating the main group from the control group, where the family background - as it was easy to foresee - would be of a more favourable character. It was thus decided to eliminate the influence of family background variable in the selection of the control group, so as to render possible the protrusion - of other characteristics which differentiate the persons regularly excessively drinking from those of the control group. Considering this, the control group was made of all brothers of the examined persons who were also aged 18-25 but were not reported by the district constables as regularly excessively drinking. There were 111 brothers meeting these criteria, and they make the control group in the present study. The first part of the study was to verify if the family background of the examined persons and those included in the control group was indeed as negative as presumed. In this case, the hypnothesis was fully confirmed. Among the 311 families of those examined as many as 166 (53,3%) were one-parent or broken families which dated back to the time when the persons under examination had been minors. The families were in general numerous, average being 3 children per family, while there were 88 (28.3%) families with 4 or more children. For the further characterization of the families the data regarding fathers were employed. It turned out that 158 (50.8%) fathers were regularly excessively drinking; in fact in the majority of cases they were alcoholics. At least 98 (31.5%) fathers were convicted by courts and 91 (29.3%) by the Penal Administrative Commissions. Taking all these three characteristics together, it was stated that as many as 194 (62,4%) fathers were regularly excessively drinking or had criminal records. These data point to the large intensity of pathological phenomena in the families of persons under examination and their brothers from the control group. And yet on the other hand, taking into account the social and professional status (education and profession) of the fathers, their situation in this respect was found better than supposed, though they belonged to the lower social classes. The second part of the study deals with the extent of social maladjustment of persons under examination and their brothers from the control group. Apart from the fact that - according to the principles of sample selection - all the persons should have been regular heavy drinkers, the gathered data were verified in respect of their confirmation of this fact. As regularly excessively drinking the persons were recognized who - according to their mother’s statements - got drunk more often than once a week or had been taken into the detoxication entre. There were 253 (76.4%) such persons in the main group and 44 (40%) in the control group. Also, a category of persons who drank most frequently was distinguished, those who were probably alcoholics. In this category there were included persons who - according to their mothers’ statements - got drunk at least twice a week or had been taken into the Detoxication Centre at least three times. There were 122 (37%) such persons in the main group, and 17 (16%) in the control group. As to the symptoms of social maladjustment, they were decidedly greater in the main group than in the control group, which dated back as far as their childhood. And so, for instance, severe school problems (uncompleted elementary education or repeating classes) were found in 60.7% of the examined persons and in 42.3% of their brothers from the control group. 57.1% of the examined persons and 30.6% of their brothers from control group  committed thefts outside their home and respectively 23.9% and 10.8% were placed in reformatories in consequence of their stealing. The differences in the extent of social maladjustment among both groups increased with age, and grew particularly large in the age of adulthood. And so, as many as 57.1% of the examined persons stayed out of work or worked irregularly as compared with 21.6% of their brothers from the control group. Suicidal attempts and self-injuries were performed by 29.3% of persons under scrutiny and by 9% of their brothers from the control group. There are also obvious differences as to the extent of delinquency in both groups. 42% of the persons examined and only 17.1% of their brothers had action brought against them in Penal Administrative Commissions and 60.1% of the persons examined and 28.8% of their brothers were convicted by court. Taking into account those convicted by court only, the percentage of recidivists was 50.8% in the test group and 46.9% in the control group, whereas the character of delinquency was similar in both groups, the majority being violent offences. Considering the fact that the control group consisted of brothers of the examined persons who were also aged 18-25, the great difference in the occurrence of the symptoms of social maladjustment between the two groups should be emphasized. Considering the decidedly negative character of the family background of both the persons examined and their brothers from the control group, the extent of social maladjustment in both groups could have been expected to be similar. On the other hand, it could be assumed that from the very criterion of selection to the main group - that is, from the information that the person in question regularly drank excessively, while there was no such information as to the brothers from the control group - it appears that alcohol is the factor that causes the larger extent of social maladjustment among the persons examined as compared with their brothers from the control group. However, this argument seems doubtful in the light of the data as to the social maladjustment during childhood, when drinking did not as yet come into question. As early as in the childhood, the persons examined manifested symptoms of social maladjustment to a decidedly higher degree than their brothers from the control group. In thus seems more probable that the larger intensity both of drunkness, and of other symptoms of social maladjustment is based on the personality characteristics, which are revealed in the early childhood. It is, however, beyond the limits of the present study to supply documentary evidence for this argument or to point out - on the basis of the empirical data - some individualistic characteristics influencing the subsequent social maladjustment; it will be accomplished in another study. This problem was, however, worthy of attention, being important for the theory as well as for practice, all the more so as the trend now prevails to take into account first of all the environmental factors in preventive and corrective treatment. The material presented above seems to suggest that the extent of social maladjustment among different persons with equally negative family backgrounds is influenced at least to the same and perhaps even greater degree by individual psychological than by environmental factors.
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Wskaźniki socjodemograficzne uzależnienia od alkoholu u osób leczonych odwykowo w mieście postindustrialnym

58%
Kozak M., Piegza M., Ścisło P., Badura-Brzoza K., Gorczyca P. W.
Medycyna Pracy
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2019
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vol. 70
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issue 2
221-228
EN
Background The aim of the study was to evaluate the influence of the place of living on the prevalence of the alcohol dependence syndrome (ADS) and to find its possible connections with socio-demographic data within a post-industrial city with a population > 100 000 inhabitants. Material and Methods The study was carried out in 2004–2012 on a group of 431 patients living in Bytom with diagnosed ADS treated either in psychiatric wards or in outpatient psychiatric clinics. The patients’ gender, age, employment, marital status, level of education and the fact of living in a given town district were analysed. The majority of the demographic data was obtained from the City Office. Results The study demonstrated the influence of the place of living, age, gender, level of education and employment on the prevalence of ADS in a post-industrial city. Conclusions Alcohol addicts who seek treatment are predominantly men > 40 years of age, with low education, mostly unemployed, living in the urbanized districts within the city center or the post-industrial area of the city, which are the areas with the highest risk of ADS. Living in a suburban neighborhood may protect against alcohol addiction due to the lower risk of exposure to environmental factors contributing to the prevalence of ADS. Additional protective factors include at least secondary education and paid employment prospects. The neighborhood of people with ADS has a particularly devastating effect on women, who are more likely to become addicted in such environments. Med Pr. 2019;70(2):221–8
PL
Wstęp Celem pracy była ocena wpływu miejsca zamieszkania oraz innych wskaźników socjodemograficznych na częstość występowania zespołu zależności alkoholowej (ZZA) w mieście postindustrialnym liczącym > 100 tys. mieszkańców. Materiał i metody Badaniem przeprowadzonym w latach 2004–2012 objęto 431 pacjentów z rozpoznaniem ZZA leczonych ambulatoryjnie lub szpitalnie mieszkających w Bytomiu. Analizowano wiek, płeć, stosunek do pracy, stan cywilny, wykształcenie oraz miejsce zamieszkania w mieście (dzielnica). Większość danych demograficznych uzyskano z Urzędu Miasta. Wyniki Wykazano, że miejsce zamieszkania, płeć, wiek, wykształcenie i status zawodowy wpływają na rozkład występowania ZZA w obrębie dużego miasta postindustrialnego. Wnioski Osoby uzależnione od alkoholu zgłaszające się na leczenie to w większości mężczyźni > 40 r.ż., z niskim wykształceniem, najczęściej bez pracy, zamieszkujący zurbanizowane dzielnice w centrum miasta i poprzemysłową część miasta (obszary najbardziej zagrożone występowaniem ZZA). Zamieszkiwanie w dzielnicy o charakterze podmiejskim może chronić przed uzależnieniem od alkoholu ze względu na mniejsze ryzyko narażenia na czynniki środowiskowe wpływające na rozpowszechnienie ZZA. Dodatkowymi czynnikami ochronnymi są co najmniej średnie wykształcenie oraz praca zarobkowa. Sąsiedztwo osób z ZZA ma szczególnie destrukcyjny wpływ na kobiety, które częściej popadają w uzależnienie w sprzyjającym uzależnieniu środowisku. Med. Pr. 2019;70(2):221–228
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Wyzwania pracy socjalnej wobec kobiet nadużywających alkoholu. Refleksje i spostrzeżenia na podstawie wybranych wyników badań własnych

58%
Chmielewska A.
Praca Socjalna
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2023
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vol. 38(3)
21-45
EN
The article describes the problem of alcohol abuse and alcohol addiction among women. The reflections and observations contained therein are based on the results of own research conducted as part of a research project: “Interdisciplinary activities of selected social services with women abusing alcohol”. As part of the research, interviews were conducted with social workers who meet this group of clients in their daily work. Their statements allow us to understand the difficult situation of an addicted woman, raise awareness about her problems and show the circumstances that are the beginning of a difficult addiction battle. Of course, the social worker works only with a specific group of women struggling with the problem of alcohol abuse and addiction. Many of them are unknown to the environment, and they themselves do not ask for any help. This has to do with the way society perceives women abusing alcohol.
PL
Artykuł dotyczy problemu nadużywania alkoholu i uzależnienia od niego wśród kobiet. Zawarte w nim refleksje i spostrzeżenia są oparte o wyniki badań własnych przeprowadzonych w ramach projektu badawczego; „Interdyscyplinarne działania wybranych służb społecznych z kobietami nadużywającymi alkoholu”. W ramach badań przeprowadzono wywiady z pracownikami socjalnymi, którzy w swojej codziennej pracy spotykają się z tą grupą klientek. Ich wypowiedzi pozwalają zrozumieć trudne położenie kobiety uzależnionej, uświadamiają na temat jej problemów oraz ukazują okoliczności będące początkiem trudnej walki z nałogiem. Pracownik socjalny pracuje oczywiście tylko z określoną grupą kobiet zmagających się z problemem nadużywania i uzależnienia od alkoholu. O wielu z nich otoczenie w ogóle nie wie, a one same nie zwracają się o żadną pomoc. Ma to związek z tym, w jaki sposób społeczeństwo postrzega kobiety nadużywające alkoholu.
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Funkcjonowanie ustawy o postępowaniu wobec osób uchylających się od pracy - wyniki badań

45%
Ostrihanska Z., Rzeplińska I.
Archiwum Kryminologii
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1988
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issue XV
95-152
EN
The Act on the treatment of persons evading work was passed on November 26, 1982 and entered into force on January 1, 1983. The passing of the Act was preceded by a period of heated discussions during which the need for this regulation or objections against it were justified by various social, economic, political legal as well as philosophical reasons. The Act bound all men aged 18-45 (with the exception of some clearly defined categories) who neither work nor learn for a period of at least 3 month and who are not registered in employment agencies as looking for a job to report at the local state administrative agencies and explain the reasons of this state of affairs. Such persons can be recognized as not working for justified reasons (in this case, they should get help if needed) or for unjustified reasons (to such persons the possibilities of taking the job should be pointed out; they should also get help if needed). Man who persistently evade work and whose sources of maintenance cannot be revealed or prove to be contradictory to the principles of social existence, are included in a list of persons who persistently evade work. The law provides for the following legal consequences towards persons who fall under its provisions: a failure in the duty to report is a transgression for which there is a penalty of limitation of liberty  of up to three months; the same penalty is provided for the registered person’s  failure to appear when summoned by the local administrative agency: a failure of a registered  person in the duty to appear when summoned in order to make a statement concerning his sources of maintenances is an offence for which a penalty of limitation of liberty or a fine is provided; the persons who have been included in the list may be obligated to perform the work for public purposes in cases of force majeure or natural calamity that constitutes a serious threat for the normal conditions of the people’s existence; a failure in this duty is an offence for which a statutory penalty is that of limitation of liberty up two years or a fine.             The Act deals with only one of the many and varied problems that result from the broad and multifarious issue of work: the situation of not being formally employed. Employment is connected with the actual policy in this respect, the labour market, and with many economic problems. The passing of the Act and the period of its functioning discussed in the present paper fell in Poland on the days of a profound socio-economic crisis which influences the problems related to employment.             In our study, however, we have taken no account of the above broader issues, focusing on the functioning of the Act: the nation of ,,evasion of work’’ and ,,a person evading work’’ it introduced, the extent of the population that falls under the Act, characterization of the population mentioned the institutions and persons involved in  realization of the Act, ways of dealing with the persons evading work, conformability of the conduct of the Act’s addresses with the model of conduct it includes, appraisal of the degree to which the aims of the Act, as set before it by the legislator have been reached, and the social effects of the law.             The study concerned the functioning of the Act in the capital city of Warsaw. The basic source of information were index cards of all man evading work that had been registered in this territory in the period from January 1, 1983, till April 30, 1984. Moreover, district constables of the police were interviewed about these men; data concerning their criminal records were obtained from the Central Criminal Register and information about their detention in the Warsaw sobering-up station was obtained from the station's files. Two years later, additional data were gathered in order to check which of the registered men worked for at least 6 month after having been registered; the course of work for public purposes done by the examined persons was also checked with enterprises that organized such work.             In the period included in the study, 2,195 men evading work were registered in Warsaw. The size of this population seems susceptible of various interpretations, depending on the adepted point of view. This number however seems insignificant as compared with that of situations vacant reported at the employment agency which for instance exceeded 18 thousand jobs for men on December 31, 1983. As shown by the analysis of the course of registration in the entire examined period, and of the differences in the sizes of the registered populations in the separate Warsaw districts, the sizes in question vary greatly and depend on administrative steps that influence the revealing of men who answer the statutory definition.             The term "person evading work" designates various persons whose various circumstances - whether socially accepted or not – justify their lack of permanent employment, and who find themselves in various situations. They are e.g. persons waiting to be called up, those who help their families with farming, alcoholics who find it impossible to keep any permanent job, men supported by their familes and looking after a family member, those who are preparing for examination to enter the university, those taking a rest after release from prison, and those who actually do work (there were about 1/4 of them): casually, seasonally or in private firms, but fail to settle their situation formally. According to the police data, as few as every tenth of the examined persons had among others, though not exclusively, illegal sources of maintenance such as offences or illicit trade. In general, the men registered as evading work did not differ from the entire population of men aged 18-45 who lived in Warsaw at that time as regards the age structure. There were among them relatively few married men. Their level of education was somewhat lower as compared with men employed at that time in Warsaw in the socialized economy; yet two-thirds of them were trained in some profession. According to the police inquiries, and to the information from index cards and from sobering-up station, three-fourth of the examined persons drank extensively; one-third of them were detained in the station, with the majority being detained repeatedly which arouses suspicion as to their dependence. 79 per cent of the registered persons were  known to the police who had to intervene in their cases comparatively often and the company they kept was appraised negatively by the police 45 per cent had criminal records (with offences against property predominating) their effence however did not provide them money enough to replace employee’s wages.             The first stage of introduction of the Act was to reveal persons liableto registration. The performance of the duty of registration met with most serious problems. Persons who reported themselves to be registered constituted less than a half of the total of those registered, this situation remaining unchanged even one year after the Act had entered into force. Even after that period, over a half of those newly registered were persons who had not been working for over a year and who thus should have been registered much earlier Some of those who reported themselves did it only because they needed a certificate of registration to settle some important personal matter A rather numerous category nearly one- third of the examined men consisted of those registered after having been punished by a transgresion board for failure in the duty of registration, and those reported by the police or public prosecutor' s office Therefore, the police were explicitly involved in the process of picking out persons evading work.             Also the realization of the entire second stage of dealing with the above persons - that of classification - arouses serious doubts.             Index cards of a great number of persons lacked information essential for the realization of the Act, i.e. concerning certain facts about the registered person and the history of this previous employment.             Among the vital decisions taken in relation to the registered persons is the recognition of the reason of their unemployment as justified or unjustified. A tendency became pronounced in these decisions to treat illness and prolonged formal transactions related to future work as valid excuses for not working and out to excuse working without formal employment. It appeared also that officials deciding in these matters enjoyed a certain degree of discretion when appraising the reasons of unemployment.             The actions taken toward the registered persons assumed first of all the character unemploying: they consisted in obligating these persons to report again and inform about employment, or in referring them; therefore these actions failed to bring about any considerable effects; had the persons in question reported directly at the employment agency, the effects would have been identical.             One-forth of the registered persons were directed to do work for public purposes. As many as two- thirds of them never even appeared to get the adress of the enterprise which such organized work, and 15 per cent reported at the workplace but failed to fulfil their duties. Thus directing to work for public purposes was of a trifle importance only; out of proportion with the effort put in the organizing of such work.             Thoroughout the period included in the study, the names of 152 (7 per cent) of the registered men were entered in the list of persons who persistently evaded work. Punishment for infringement of the disscused Act was moved for in one third of cases.             As shown by the picture of realization of the Act, the officials who apply it often face the registered men's most complex life problems, that are difficult to appraise explicitly and to decide upon beyond dispute; besides, methods of successful circumvention or evasion of the provisions of the Act appear to have emerged.             The appraisal of the functioning of the discussed Act has been done on two planes: both the realization of the legislator's intentions and the social effects of its introduction other than intended have been analyzed.             The legislator's intentions are defined as coming to the assistance of those out of work and out of school who want work, and inducing to work those who fail to express this wish. In the statements of the Minister of Justice and of the deputy reporter during the parliamentary discussion, also such aims were formulated as: drawing up a record of persons evading work and thus getting knowledge as to the extent of this phenomenon; providing hands in cases of their shortage; and soothing the indignant public opinion which demanded radical measures to fight the phenomenon of the so-called social parasitism.             The above intentions have been realized but to a slight degree. Cases of getting help from administrative agency were extremely rare, the agency playing but the role of an agent who directs clients on to the employment or medical agencies.             After registration 44.5 per cent of the examined persons took a job and 37.6 per cent continued to work incessanuy for 6 months which is the condition of their names being stroken off from the register. The latter group proved to be "better" as regards selected social traits. According to our appraisal, these persons had greater chances and possibilities of and performing a job as compared with the remaining group; what's more "inducing" them to work was frequently absolutely unnecessary.             Registration failed to provide knowledge as to the size of the phenomenon of evasion of work, inconstancy being among its characteristics. The examined persons are often temporarily unemployed, this situation far from being permanent.             Registration failed to improve the situation in the labour market: not only the number of those who found a job but also the total of those registered was too small as compared with the needs.             Whether the public opinion has been soothed and satisfied by the introduction of the Act, we do not know. What we do know, is that among those registered there were hardly any persons whose unemployment particularly irritated the public opinion (e.g. black market and foreign currency dealers). A number of persons "evad.ing work" can always be" found, and the reasons for which some of them fail to take a job would hardly meet with social desapproval.             Apart from the intended effects of any legal regulation, there are also those unintended which in the case of the discussed Act can be found in the following spheres: 1) the legal system: in the labour law (limitation of the principle of freedom of work), and in the penal law (the range of penalized acts has been broadened to include transgressions and offences provided in the Act; moreover, a penal law sanction was used as an instrument to solve a problem that belongs to the sphere of social an economic policy exclusively; 2) the sphere of political an social activities: an additional bureaucratic cell in labour exchange has been created in the case of alcoholics, intervention of the Act is but a seeming action, leaving the essence of the problem out of account; in the case of ex-convicts, the Act doubles the activity of other institutions (such person can obtain help in employment agencies or from their probation officers, and they are ,,induced" to take a job by their life situation or by the conditions on which they have been released from prison); 3) the sphere of social attitudes towards the law: failure to collect subpoenas and to appear when summoned could be observed among the registered persons which means that mechanisms of circumventing the Act emerged.             In our opinion, the Act on the treatment of persons evading work is unnecessary. A separate and independent problem of persons who evade work does not exist. Instead, there is a number of various, partly overlapping problems: demand for labour, social frustrations of the crisis period, as well as alcoholism, delinquency disturbed socialization of the youth, failure to insure employes without setting the required formalities, problem of employment of the disabled. Also favourable phenomena and traits can be found here such e.g. the energy and initiative of those who want to work more effectively and to be paid better As shown by our study, ,,social parasitism ,, i.e. the actual staying out of work and living at the expense of others, can be found in a tiny percentage of registered persons.
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