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EN
Weapons amnesty is closely related to internal order and security. These are important attributes that any democratic, based on the rule of law and consolidated state must protect. The ability of the state to sustain an orderly society, where lawlessness is replaced by the compliance with the law, and to protect the lives, health, property, rights and freedoms of citizens. In real life, it is mainly security and protection against crime of all kinds. One of the means of maintaining internal order and security is undoubtedly a tool of weapon amnesties, when everyone who unlawfully holds a firearm weapon may by law in a limited period with impunity decommission the weapon and ammunition.
EN
The aim of the article is to define the boundaries of the prerogative of pardon in the Ukrainian legal system in terms of the objective and subjective aspects from the constitutional point of view and the decree of the President of Ukraine on the application of the prerogative of pardon. This decree significantly restricts the decision-making freedom of the head of state in making decisions on the application of the prerogative of pardon, which raises doubts as to the compliance of the adopted solution with the fundamental law. The article compares the constitutional approach to the prerogative of pardon with the solutions adopted in the decree in order to answer the question whether they are consistent with the essence and nature of the presidential prerogative of pardon under the constitution.
PL
This paper is devoted to legal aspects of an eventual vindication of the former deputies to the Parliament who were sentenced in the so-called Brześć case. The author describes the background to the trial and its course, analyzes the Presidential Decree of 31 October 1939 on amnesty of the convicted, deputies’ interpellations and the bill on vindication of the sentenced. However, those initiatives did not achieve a positive effect because of the end of the VIIth term of the Sejm.
EN
The author attempts to define amnesty and describe conditions that must be met for amnesties to be in accordance with international law. This in turn involves an analysis of legality of amnesties. The paper also examines motivation for granting amnesty and desirability as well as the future of granting amnesties. In the end a nuanced approach is adopted highlighting the fact that amnesties are neither conditio sine qua non for a lasting peace solution nor ticking time-bombs for peacebuilding. This reflects the idea of this paper that justice is not an absolute and sometimes it might be necessary to let go and combine judicial and non-judicial mechanisms (including the disclosure of truth and reparations for the victims) in order to achieve sustainable peace.
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K niektorým právnym a historickým aspektom amnestií

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EN
Amnesty has traditionally been used as a political tool of compromise. Amnesty allows the state “to forget” criminal acts, usually before prosecution has occurred. An act of amnesty is generally granted to a group of people who have committed crimes. These constitutional prerogatives (sometimes generally called “clemency”) are conceptually resulting from monarchist ideology. In the introductory part of article, we defined the notion of amnesty, grace, and various forms of amnesty and grace: abolition, agraciation and rehabilitation. The article focuse mostly on amnesty as a source of law in the territory of Slovakia and Czech Republic, while we pay special attention to historically important amnesty decisions. In the context of the case law of the Constitutional Court the article analysed whether the decision to grant amnesty is (ir)revocable.
SK
Amnestia bola tradične použivana ako politicky nastroj kompromisu. Amnestia umožňuje, aby „štat zabudol“ trestne činy, pri ktorych spravidla došlo k trestnemu stihaniu. Akt amnestie sa spravidla vzťahuje na skupinu ľudi, ktori sa dopustili určitych trestnych činov. Tieto ustavne vysady (niekedy všeobecne nazyvane ako „zhovievavosť“), koncepčne vyplyvaju z monarchistickej ideologie. V uvodnej časti članku sme zadefinovali pojem amnestia, milosť a jednotlive formy amnestie a milosti: aboliciu, agraciaciu a rehabilitaciu. V samotnom obsahu članku, sme venovali najvačšiu pozornosť rozhodnutiu o amnestii jako prameňu prava na uzemi Slovenskej a Českej republiky, zamerali sme sa najma na historicky vyznamne rozhodnutia o amnestii. Vkontexte judikatury ustavneho sudu sme aj analyzovali, či rozhodnutie udeliť amnestiu je (ne)odvolateľne.
EN
This article deals with the issues of physical violence and criminal law in Czechoslovakia immediately after World War One. It poses the question of how the state responded to an increase in criminality in terms of the criminal law and of the enforcement of the will of collective participants through violence. Based on the study of contemporary deliberations on a new legislature by lawyers, judges and legislators, this article researches the importance of newly adopted norms of criminal law, as well as proclamations of amnesties and granting pardons in order to strengthen the authority of the state and to consolidate the internal political situation.
EN
The article presents the genesis (1917) and difficult fates of the Congregation of Benedictine Nuns Missionaries and their charges with changing political totalitarian systems. The Congregation shared the history of our country in the East. The way, that a young Benedictine Community paced indefatigably ahead to worship God and serve their neighbours, is presented briefly. In 1920–1939 our monastic family after being thrown out of Biała Cerkiew near Kijów rooted in Wołyń. During the World War II Hitler’s occupation and the Soviet aggression on Wołyń Province brought enormous material losses, deprived the nuns of having a roof over their heads, withdrew the possibility of fulfilling statutory tasks, but there was still hope which the nuns made use of. They had to leave Eastern borderland of II RP occupied by Bolsheviks and they were looking together with their orphans for shelter in the central part of Poland. German defeat did not mean triumph of victory in our country, after the war the Soviet Union started strengthening people’s authority in Poland. It began the struggle with Church by employing as secret workers to cooperate with people belonging to Church and Polish nation. It continued until 1989. After each disaster the Congregation had the strength of spirit and revived again.
EN
During the period from 8th Century to early decades of the 14th Century, Dai Viet was in the course of prosperous development with reigns of Tran Thai Tong (ruled from 1226-1258), Tran Thanh Tong (1258-1278), Tran Nhan Tong (1278-1293), Tran Anh Tong (1293-1314), Tran Minh Tong (1914-1329), and Trang Hien Ton (1329-1341). We can say that this is time of prosperity and advance of Tran Dynasty. The Tran Kings’ piety upon Buddhism had a great impact on thought and government policies, especially the spirit of equality and humanity. Kings of Tran express a great care on life of the people, try to relieve their toils, reduce their duties, help the poor, and enhance the social security.116 From Tran Du Tong onwards, all was not as before anymore. Research on social security by Buddhism in Tran dynasty can be presented in many aspects, but this article just focuses on clarifying the social security through Buddhism’s care on material and spiritual life of the people.
PL
W okresie od VIII wieku do wczesnych dekad XIV wieku - za czasów panowania: Tran Thai Tong (rządził od 1226-1258), Tran Thanh Tong (1258-1278), Tran Nhan Tong (1278-1293), Tran Anh Tong (1293-1314), Tran Minh Tong (1914-1329), i Trang Hien Ton (1329-1341) - Dai Viet był w na drodze rozwoju. Można powiedzieć, że jest to czas prosperity i postępu dynastii Tran. Pobożność królów Tranu wobec buddyzmu miała wielki wpływ na myślenie i politykę rządu, zwłaszcza na ducha równości i człowieczeństwa. Królowie dynastii Tran wyrażają wielką troskę o życie ludzi, starają się ulżyć im w trudach, zmniejszają ich obowiązki, pomagają biednym i zwiększają bezpieczeństwo społeczne. Od czasów Tran Du Tong, wszystko nie było już takie jak dawniej. Badania nad zabezpieczeniem społecznym przez Buddyzm w dynastii Tran można przedstawić w wielu aspektach, niniejszy artykuł koncentruje się jednak tylko na wyjaśnieniu zabezpieczenia społecznego poprzez opiekę Buddyzmu nad materialnym i duchowym życiem ludzi.
EN
The subject of the analysis refers to amnesty acts in Poland in the 20 th century. A thesis is posed in the paper that in principle they take place at the moments which are politically important for the Republic of Poland, the aim of which is to establish them in the social consciousness. Typically, they are the acts of the parliament. The Polish doctrine of law clearly presents a separate character of amnesty acts in reference to the court verdicts. They are an expression of the will of the parliament, independent of the court’s judgment, according to which amnesty should be carried out.
PL
Przedmiotem analizy uczyniono problematykę aktów amnestyjnych podejmowanych w XX w. w Polsce. W pracy stawia się tezę, że co do zasady zapadają one w momentach istotnych politycznie dla Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej, w celu ich utrwalenia w świadomości społecznej i typowo są aktami parlamentu. W polskiej doktrynie prawa wyraźnie zaznacza się odrębność aktów amnestyjnych wobec wyroków sądów. W żadnym zakresie nie mogą one podważać wyroków sądów, ingerować w niezależność władzy sądzenia. Są wyrazem woli parlamentu, niezależnej od wyroku sądu, że w danych okolicznościach politycznych amnestia powinna być przeprowadzona.
PL
W przeglądzie orzeczeń MTK od grudnia 2019 r. do marca 2020 r. omówieniu poddano trzy decyzje Izby Odwoławczej MTK. Pierwsza z nich odnosi się do szczególnie spornej autoryzacji postępowania przygotowawczego w sytuacji Afganistanu. Następne dwie dotyczą zaś kolejno spraw Al Hassana („karygodność zbrodni” w zw. z art. 17 SMTK) oraz Saifa Gaddafiego (wyrok sądu krajowego, amnestia a dopuszczalność postępowania przed MTK.
EN
In the review of case law of the International Criminal Court from December 2019 to March 2020, three decisions of the ICC Appeals Chamber are being examined. The first one refers to a particularly disputable issue of the authorization of an investigation in the situation of Afghanistan. The next two concern the case of Al Hassan (“gravity of crime” criterion in art. 17 ICCSt.) and the case of Saif Gaddafi (judgment of a domestic court, amnesty versus case admissibility before the ICC).
EN
The article presents the situation of underground resistance movement in Bialystok District after the end of World War II. At that time, a new reality occurred in Poland when a small number of communists who had arrived from the USSR imposed their authority on the Polish nation with the support of the Red Army. Polish people resisted it establishing political opposition and armed resistance movement. AK (the Home Army) as well as NZW (National Military Union), the organization connected with national movement, commenced uneven fight against a new occupant. Pacification operations carried out by NKWD (The People’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs) and Polish UBP (Office of Public Security) and murders and rapes committed by Soviet soldiers only strengthened social resistance and increased the number of the underground resistance members. For many young people an escape “to the woods” was the only way of avoiding detention by the security service. The confrontation of new people’s authorities with guerilla independence movement prevented communists from taking over social control and definitely introducing a new system of government. In that case, communists took up a cynical struggle with the underground resistance movement. In 1945 and 1947 they announced amnesties for the members of guerilla independence movements. The authorities declared that the amnesties were to enable guerillas a return to normal life. In fact, they were first used to make records of the members of the underground movement only to persecute them later on. They paid a high price for the attempted come back to their families and homes while the authorities deprived them of the ideals they sacrificed their lives for fighting against the enemy during the war.
RU
Статья описывает ситуацию независимого подполья в Белостокском воеводстве после окончания Второй мировой войны. В әто время в стране стала появляться новая действительность, в которой малое число прибывших из СССР коммунистов при поддержке Красной Армии заставляло подчиняться большинство. Против әтого выступала польская общественность, создавая политическую оппозицию и военную конспирацию. В неравную борьбу против нового оккупанта вступила Народная армия и Народное военное объединение – организации, связанные с народным движением. Деятельность НКВД и польских органов безопасности, убийства и насилие, совершаемые советскими солдатами, только усиливали общественное сопротивление и тем самым вызывали увеличение числа участников подпольной организации. Для многих молодых людей побег «в лес» был единственным средством избежать ареста. Конфронтация новой народной власти с независимым партизанским движением не давала возможности коммунистам управлять общественностью и окончательно ввести новый режим. В әтой ситуации коммунисты начали циничную игру с независимым подпольем. В 1945 и 1947 годах они объявили участникам независимого партизанского движения амнистию. В декларациях представителей власти она должна была облегчить партизанам возвращение к нормальной жизни. Но в действительности помогла в подсчете членов подполья, а позже в их репрессии. За возвращение домой к своим семьям они заплатили высокую цену, а правящая власть отобрала у них веру в идеалы, которым они посвятили всю свою жизнь, борясь с врагами во время войны.
EN
According to reviews of penal cases in the District Court in Kraków, there were 46 cases based on Art. 172, i.e. blasphemy, in the period from September 1, 1932 (when the new penal code entered into force) to the beginning of the Second World War. 72.5% of those accused were sentenced to 6 to 12 months in prison (1/3 of sentences were suspended). The National Archive in Kraków contains the acts of only 16 cases; the rest were destroyed. From these remaining acts we learn that most of the accused were farmers or workers who were poorly educated and owned no property, and that they committed the crime mostly during the course of a quarrel, not rarely under the influence of alcohol. Judges did not verify prerequisites of the blasphemy precisely; they did not analyse the intent of the accused sufficiently. This negligence was demonstrated by attorneys, but without any positive results for the accused. The strong social demur against blasphemy and lack of tolerance for such behaviour is visible in the extant acts.
PL
Zgodnie z repertoriami spraw karnych Sądu Okręgowego w Krakowie w okresie od wejścia w życie kodeksu karnego w dniu 1 września 1932 r. do wybuchu II wojny światowej odnotowano 46 spraw karnych prowadzonych na podstawie art. 172, tj. przestępstwa bluźnierstwa. 72,5% oskarżonych było skazanych przez sąd I instancji, przy czym w większości przypadków była to kara pozbawienia wolności od 6 do 12 miesięcy, tylko w około 1/3 przypadków z warunkowym zawieszeniem wykonania. Zachowało się 16 akt tych spraw. Wynika z nich, że oskarżonymi byli przede wszystkim ludzie słabo wykształceni, rolnicy lub robotnicy, bez majątku, a popełnienie przestępstwa następowało zazwyczaj w okolicznościach kłótni, nierzadko pod wpływem alkoholu. Pragmatyka orzecznicza Sądu Okręgowego w Krakowie w tych sprawach wskazuje, że sędziowie w bardzo ograniczonym zakresie precyzyjnie weryfikowali ziszczenie się przesłanek przestępstwa z art. 172, nie badali również w wystarczającym stopniu występowania zamiaru popełnienia przestępstwa przez oskarżonego. Podnoszone to było w kilku sprawach przez nielicznie powoływanych obrońców, jednakże bez pozytywnych dla oskarżonych skutków procesowych. Odnotować należy silny sprzeciw społeczny wobec przypadków bluźnierstwa i brak tolerancji dla takich zachowań.
EN
The article shows how the law of pardon was regulated and how it was applied in two quasi-states, the Duchy of Warsaw (1807–1813) and the Congress Poland (1815–1831) during the constitutional period. These two entities were dependent on France and Russia respectively, which was not irrelevant to the regulations on pardon, since those powers were closely related to monarchs. Both the Polish king (prince of Warsaw) and the Russian emperor (tsar) in the context of the prerogative of the law of pardon have had a profound influence on the course and outcome of individual judicial proceedings so issues of abolition, amnesty and abolition of a punishment are also raised in the article. At the end, the elements of pardons operating in the territories of the three states that made partitions of the Republic of Poland are mentioned.
PL
Artykuł przedstawia sposób uregulowania prawa łaski i praktykę jego stosowania w dwóch tworach quasi-państwowych: Księstwie Warszawskim (1807–1813) oraz w okresie konstytucyjnym Królestwa Kongresowego (1815–1831). Oba te podmioty były zależne odpowiednio od Francji i Rosji, co nie pozostawało bez znaczenia dla uregulowań dotyczących ułaskawienia, gdyż kompetencje te były ściśle związane z osobami monarchów. Zarówno król polski (książę warszawski), jak i cesarz (car) rosyjski w ramach prerogatywy prawa łaski uzyskali ogromny wpływ na przebieg i wynik indywidualnych procesów sądowych, artykuł podejmuje więc również kwestie abolicji, amnestii oraz zatarcia skazania. Na końcu wspomniane zostają elementy ułaskawienia funkcjonujące na obszarach trzech państw zaborczych.
EN
Abstract: Memory and forgetting in Kazuo Ishiguro’s The Buried Giant The article examines the theme of memory and forgetting in Kazuo Ishiguro’s 2015 novel The Buried Giant. The novel offers a reflection on the role of forgetting in dealing with a traumatic past, an issue which remains relevant for individuals and societies alike. Although Ishiguro does not provide easy answers to the question of whether it is better to remember or to erase difficult memories, temporary amnesia emerges in the novel as a legitimate strategy: it allows individuals to maintain relationships and helps to prevent feuding nations from resuming violence. The other related issues that the article discusses include the problem of memory which inevitably returns after temporary amnesia/amnesty with its entrapment in competing politics of memory, the issue of collective memory and the relationship between memory and forgetting as well as the role of involuntary memory in the undermining of official discourses about the past. Twentieth-century conceptions and discourses on memory – Maurice Halbwachs’, Walter Benjamin’s, Marcel Proust’s, as well as Galen Strawson’s – have been mobilized to illuminate the concerns that the novel raises.    
PL
Abstrakt Celem artykułu jest odczytanie najnowszej powieści Kazuo Ishigury jako refleksji pisarza nad rolą pamięci i zapominania w życiu indywidualnym i zbiorowym. Wydany w 2015 roku Pogrzebany olbrzym odnosi się do kwestii niezmiennie aktualnej, dotyczącej zarówno jednostek jak i społeczeństw próbujących uporać się z traumatyczną przeszłością. Mimo że Ishiguro nie udziela łatwych odpowiedzi na pytanie o to, czy pamiętać o trudnych wydarzeniach, czy raczej je wymazać, tymczasowa amnezja jawi się w powieści jako uzasadniony zabieg, pozwalający jednostkom utrzymać relacje, a społeczeństwom uniknąć ponownego wybuchu przemocy. Zjawisko pamięci zbiorowej, problem pamięci, która nieuchronnie powraca po okresie amnezji/amnestii i jej uwikłania w konkurujące ze sobą polityki pamięci, wzajemne powiązanie pamięci i zapominania, rola pamięci mimowolnej w podważaniu oficjalnej narracji to kwestie, które powieść porusza i które zostały omówione w artykule w odniesieniu do XX-wiecznych koncepcji i dyskursów na temat pamięci: Maurice’a Halbwachsa, Waltera Benjamina, Marcela Prousta, a także współczesnego brytyjskiego filozofa Galena Strawsona.    
EN
The article discusses the topic of pacification sejms in the context of their impact on the systemic transformations of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the systemic practice. The author presents what the pacification sejm was, what role it played as a mechanism in the state system and presents the most common goals of constantly calling the parliament with such specific characteristics. Then, in chronological order, the four parliaments from 1589, 1673, 1699 and 1736 are discussed, because only their debates have been completed. The context of the internal situation at the time of calling the pacification is referred to, and then a description of the achievements of the Sejm in the aspect of interest to the author of influencing the shape of the system and provisions deviating from the current custom. In the summary, the author concludes that the pacification parliaments, despite its original character aimed at calming public moods and restoring peace in the country, often became a tool for carrying out certain systemic improvements. So, it is in consequently a dualism both in purposes and effects. Therefore, these parliaments benefited the Commonwealth as a stabilization instrument and left their certain positive mark on the state system. Beside the Henryk Olszewski brief description of pacificatory sejms and the four monography of successful sejms it’s hard to search a synthesis for that specific issue. This is why author tries to make one universal characteristic of the pacification phenomenon, based on current state of knowledge and his own conclusions about these specific sejms. Such trial seems to be necessary under this circumstances of the lack of currently holistic definition.
EN
The article addresses the issue of the concept, scope and systemic character of pardon and amnesty in correlation with the institution of extradition. It presents the divergent positions of the doctrine regarding the interpretation of the nature of the title measures and possible ways of recognizing the status of a person who has been pardoned or amnestied, and at the same time the request for extradition applies, by international agreements regulating extradition transactions. The aim of the article is to analyze the legal conditions of pardon and amnesty in comparison with binding standards in the field of extradition, both those that qualify the impediment to pardon and amnesty as an obligatory extradition impediment, and those that do not give it the indicated character. As part of the work, research methods traditionally applied in legal sciences were used, the formal-dogmatic method, the comparative method and the historical-legal method.
PL
Artykuł podejmuje problematykę pojęcia, zakresu oraz ustrojowego charakteru prawa łaski i amnestii w korelacji z instytucją ekstradycji. Prezentuje rozbieżne stanowiska przedstawicieli doktryny w zakresie interpretacji charakteru tytułowych środków oraz możliwe sposoby ujmowania statusu osoby, którą objęto ułaskawieniem lub amnestią, a jednocześnie której dotyczy wniosek o wydanie, przez reprezentatywne umowy międzynarodowe regulujące obrót ekstradycyjny. Celem artykułu jest analiza prawnych uwarunkowań ułaskawienia i amnestii w zestawieniu z wiążącymi normami w zakresie ekstradycji, zarówno tych które kwalifikują przeszkodę ułaskawienia i amnestii jako obligatoryjną przeszkodę ekstradycyjną, jak i tych które nie nadają jej wskazanego charakteru. W ramach pracy zastosowano tradycyjnie wykorzystywane w naukach prawnych metody badawcze, a mianowicie metodę formalno-dogmatyczną, metodę komparatystyczną oraz metodę historyczno-prawną.
EN
In the years of 1863-1867, around 25 200 Poles were exiled to European Russia, to Caucasus, and Siberia. The majority of Poles were exiled to the Yenisey Guberniya after the January Uprising. Until 1863, 80-90% of political exiles belonged to higher and enlightened social spheres; one can say that they were the elite of the Polish nation. After 1863, the composition of the exiles was different: many simple people fought in the insurgent groups. Under new conditions in exile, the representatives of the lower social spheres most often married the local inhabitants because they could rely on some help from their wives' families, could make their homestead stable, and establish a permanent foundation for their life in Siberia. Most certainly more exiled Poles would have married and stayed in Siberia, had there been no amnesty. Not all the Poles, however, took advantage of this amnesty. After their return to their homeland they often complained that they could find no compassion on the part of society, were treated with indifference, and the great merits of the Poles in Siberia were neglected. Those Poles who stayed in Siberia after the amnesty, had contributed to the development of Siberia at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The Polish intelligentsia in the Yenisey Guberniya deserve our special attention: first and foremost they worked in education and brought medical assistance to the local people. Ancestors of the January Uprising exiles have been establishing Polonia cultural and national associations since the 1990s.
PL
Artykuł traktuje o tragicznej sytuacji w jakiej znaleźli się polscy obywatele po agresji sowieckiej na Polskę 17 września 1939 r. Opisane zostały stosowane przez Sowietów metody terroru. Deportacje i aresztowania dotknęły ogromną ilość ludzi, niemal z każdej klasy społecznej. Po aresztowaniu następowały brutalne śledztwa, po ich zakończeniu Polaków wysyłano do łagrów. Tam wyniszczano ich przez ciężką pracę i brak jedzenia. Nakreślenie tych zagadnień pomaga uwypuklić znaczenie powstania Armii Polskiej na terenie ZSRR. Stanowiła ona bowiem nie tylko siłę wojenną, ale była ratunkiem dla niemal zamęczonej ludności polskiej. Przy powstającej armii gromadziła się bowiem ludność w nadziei, że w ten sposób unikną śmierci z głodu i zimna. Artykuł ma więc za zadanie podkreślić znaczenie Armii Andersa, pracy jej oficerów, dzięki której niemal 115 tys. ludzi udało się opuścić Związek Radziecki.
EN
The events that occurred on September 17 were extremely tragic, especially for Polish civilian population. After the defeat in September, a lot of Polish soldiers retreating to Hungary and Romania were taken captive. The reason behind their sad plight was the fact that, although captives, they were not entitled to prisoner-of-war status. They were grouped in camps built particularly for that purpose. Three of the camps were given a special status and the Polish captives detained there were murdered in spring 1940. After their invasion on the Second Republic of Poland, the Soviets started to consistently implement the previously sketched plan to exterminate the Polish nation. Due to mass arrests and deportations, hundreds of thousands of Poles, including women, children and elderly people, were taken to the wild backwoods regions of the USSR and left without any protection whatsoever. The flower of our nation was forced to hard labour, such as railway construction or deforestation of some Siberian areas. That tragic situation did not change until the summer of 1941, when the London-based Polish government, after long and stormy negotiations, signed an agreement with the Soviet government. By virtue of Sikorski-Majski agreement, masses of Polish citizens were granted amnesty and a Polish army was to be formed in the USSR. After announcement of the amnesty decree, Poles from the furthest recesses of the USSR started their southward journey to meet their “brothers”. Władysław Anders, general and commander of the Polish Army, had to face a number of difficulties in order to provide his soldiers with relatively good living conditions. The army was short of virtually everything, especially as it also gave shelter to civilians, who wanted to escape death. Therefore, it was an army composed of down-at-heel, rugged human skeletons. Thanks to their persistence and the feeling of great injustice, however, they became highly skilled soldiers and the Polish Army in the USSR was exceptionally vital and resilient.
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