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PL
The peach (Prunus persica [L.] Batsch) is a tree native to the region known today as Northwest China, where its fruits were known around 2000 BC. Inhabitants of the Mediterranean Area came into contact with the peach probably between the 6th and 4th century BC thanks to the contacts with Persian Empire. In the western part of the Mediterranean Region the peach appeared later (ca. 1st c. AD). In the period under study there were many varieties of the peach, and they were eaten in many different ways – e.g. raw, dried, boiled etc. They could be consumed without any other ingredients, or as an element of more complicated dishes. Ancient and early Byzantine authors, who wrote their treatises between the 1st and 7th c. AD, and dealt with medicine (Dioscorides, Pliny the Elder, Galen, Oribasius, Aetius of Amida, Paul of Aegina, Athimus and others), described dietetic properties of a peach with details. Moreover, they left some information about a medical use of this fruit. This aspect of their works is an element of a wider and well-known phenomenon, i.e. an important role of all groups of aliments in the ancient art of healing.
EN
Easy as it is to consider Galen’s Protrepticus a straightforward exercise in the art of hortative rhetorics, it seems advisable to consider the ramifications and the role played by the philosophical hypotext: given the details of the argument, one may easily be reminded of certain passages of the Platonic Gorgias, as well as the importance of the actual imagery exploited in the course of exposition. In doing so, the essay seeks to reevaluate the Galenic work and put it in the wider context of philosophizing discourses of the era.
PL
The following article attempts to address two issues. The first one concerns dietetic characteristic of barley flour, which was a very popular product used both in Graeco-Roman and Byzantine culinary art and medicine. The second one deals with the therapeutic role of this product: different forms of remedies made from it, its effects on the human body, and various health problems cured by an application of medicines containing aleuron krithinon. To address these questions we study ancient and Byzantine Greek medical sources written between the 1st and 7th century AD by Dioscurides, Galen, Oribasius, Aetius of Amida, Alexander of Tralles, Paul of Aegina, and the anonymous author of the treatise entitled De cibis.
EN
The physician Krateuas lived in the first part of the 1st century BC, worked at the court of Mithridates and wrote a Rhizotomikon (Herbal) of which only a few fragments remain. More than a century ago, Max Wellmann studied this physician (1897; 1898) and collected his Testimonies (T) and Fragments (F) as an appendix of his edition of Dioscorides De materia medica (1914). After Wellmann, only short studies (mostly encyclopedia entries) have been carried on Krateuas, whose work influenced Dioscorides. This paper is a first step towards a monograph on this physician and a new edition of T and F with translation and historical commentary.
Peitho. Examina Antiqua
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2013
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vol. 4
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issue 1
189-210
EN
The aim of the present paper is to investigate the connection between ancient medicine and sophistry at the end of 5th century B.C. Beginning with analyses of some passages from the De vetere medicina (VM), De natura hominis (NH) and De arte, the article identifies many similarities between these treatises, on the one hand, and the sophistic doctrines, on the other: these concern primarily perceptual/intellectual knowledge and the interaction between reality, knowledge and language. Among the Sophists, Gorgias was particularly followed and imitated, as he was admired not only for his tremendous rhetorical skills, but also for his philosophically significant work On not being, which probably influenced various discussions in the Hippocratic treatises. However, if Gorgias argues in favor of language as dynastēs megas, the authors of VM, NH and De arte consider knowledge to be far more relevant and reliable than logos. These Hippocratic treatises criticize the philosophical thesis and the resulting kind of reductionism. Above all they defend the supremacy of medicine over any other art. By using the same argumentative and rhetorical strategies that were employed by Gorgias, these treatises reverse the thought of those Sophists who exalted only the technē tōn logōn.
EN
The aim of my article is to discuss six Hellenistic inscriptions which mention Hermias, son of Emmenidas, a distinguished physician from Kos. Two longer honorary inscriptions are connected with Hermias’ five-year stay on the island of Crete as a public doctor. The epigraphic sources in question will be carefully reviewed, translated into Polish and commented on the article.
PL
Zabytki znajdowane przez archeologów podczas prac wykopaliskowych pozwalają rzucić trochę światła na zabiegi higieniczne w pradziejach, w epoce brązu i żelaza. Do przyborów higieny osobistej należą: grzebienie, brzytwy, pęsetki, nożyce, zwierciadła. Są one świadectwem, że ludność terenów Polski stosowała wiele zabiegów higienicznych, zapewne z chęci osiągnięcia lepszego wyglądu i ze względów zdrowotnych. Z monografii, materiałów i sprawozdań archeologicznych dowiadujemy się o chronologii, typologii i funkcji tych przedmiotów. Przyjmuje się, że przybory toaletowe znajdowane w grobach na cmentarzyskach wczesno dziej owych odzwierciedlają status zmarłego w danej społeczności i jego stan posiadania. Przybory higieniczne obok funkcji użytkowej były wykorzystywane w obrzędach i praktykach magicznych, służyły także za amulety.
EN
Relics found by archaeologists during excavations shed some light on hygienic procedures in prehistoric times, in the Bronze and Iron Age. Personal hygiene accessories include: combs, razors, tweezers, scissors and mirrors. It can be concluded that the people inhabiting the Polish territory used a number of hygienic procedures with the view to improve health and appearance. Monographs, archaeological materials and reports reveal chronology, typology and functions o f such toiletries. The objects found in graves in cemeteries from early historical period may reflect the status of the deceased in a given community and their wealth. Hygienic accessories, besides their practical function, were also used during various ceremonies, magical practices and served as amulets.
EN
The medical application of honey has a long tradition. In antiquity it was used as a potent substance with dietary and medicinal attributes. Based on Celsus’ texts we know that the ancient Romans used honey primarily in treating skin conditions, including inflammations such as Erysipelas, wounds, all types of ulcers and eye diseases. Celsus mentioned honey in numerous formulas, but he did not distinguish between its types or the ways in which it was obtained. More attention was paid to such matters in the following centuries. This can be observed by analysing the formulas included in the works of younger authors.
EN
Galen’s great treatise on drugs, Simple Medicines, begins with 5 theoretical books which explain the mechanisms of drug actions in the following catalogues. The key agent of change is the mixture of the qualities hot, cold, wet and dry. But drugs also have substance, the leaf, root or fruit of plants, the material of animals and minerals. How does substance act on the human body? This is one of the key questions for the theory of drugs, since mixtures had already been explored by Galen in Mixtures. Galen’s exploration of substance brings him to the composition of a drug – in thick or fine particles – and to the notion of substances in the plural and the notion of whole substance in the cases of foods and poisons, all of which Galen places in the class of drugs. Whole substance is the core of the paper. Galen’s understanding of substance as of qualities depends heavily, as often, on Aristotle. The paper presents an argument based on the key passages in Simples I–V, which I have recently translated for the Cambridge Galen series, as too on related passages in Mixtures and On the Capacities of Foods. 
EN
From the accidently discovered “grave I” from Łęg Piekarski (Turek County, Poland) comes a unique bronze bowl with a perforated wall and an enamelled, zoomorphic spout, which finds analogies among the Late Celtic vessels from the British Isles. A re-analysis, which took into account the increase in the reference material, made it possible to present a new interpretation of this unusual find, both in regard to its form and supposed use. The strainer and spout suggest that the vessel might have been used to prepare herbal infusions. We do not know if it was used in this manner in the territory of the Przeworsk Culture.
EN
This article aims to discuss the nomenclature of medical tools in Book Four of Onomasticon by Julius Pollux and to assess the usefulness of this work as a source of knowledge in research on the history of medicine. The article contains an original translation that allows for a detailed analysis of the given passage. Onomasticon is an ancient lexicon and the only surviving work by Pollux who lived in the 2nd century CE and represented the Second Sophistic. In Onomasticon, he compiled ancient Greek vocabulary on various topics, including terminology relating to medical tools. The layout of the chapter is not accidental. The author divides the terms into several groups: cutting and mechanical tools, dressings, bloodletting devices and physician’s office equipment. Sometimes he indicates the authors – mainly comedy playwrights – from whom he resourced the chosen vocabulary. The terminology was also drawn from lexicons. The vast majority of phrases mentioned by Pollux was used in a medical context in other literary sources and medical treatises, for example by Hippocrates and Galen. Words that appear in a medical context only in Onomasticon may result from the author’s error or can be new evidence for the studies on ancient medicine.
EN
In the 3rd century BC, Greek doctors brought scientific medicine to Rome. The arrival of new therapeutic practices, which were the inheritance of a different mental and cultural framework, provoked a double reaction at Rome. On the one hand, philhellenic circles promoted the presence of physicians in the city and in aristocratic households. On the other hand, the part of the elite that defended the safeguarding of the Roman gravitas condemned both the new medicine and the physicians. The assimilation of Greek medicine in Rome was accomplished in the 1st century BC. However, the attitude of Roman elite towards doctors continued to be ambiguous, since these doctors came usually from the East and practiced a foreign medicine. The aim of this paper is to analyze the attitude of the Roman elite towards those who had to take care of their health. With the help of literary sources like Cato the Elder, Cicero or Pliny, we will evaluate to what extent these physicians who interacted in the life of the aristocracy were perceived as carnifici who killed or amici who healed.
PL
W III w. p.n.e. greccy lekarze przywieźli medycynę naukową do Rzymu. Pojawienie się nowych praktyk terapeutycznych, będących dziedzictwem odmiennych ram mentalnych i kulturowych, wywołało podwójną reakcję w Rzymie. Z jednej strony kręgi filhellenistyczne promowały obecność lekarzy w mieście i domach arystokratycznych, z drugiej zaś część elity, która broniła grawitacji rzymskiej, potępiła zarówno nową medycynę, jak i lekarzy. Asymilacja medycyny greckiej w Rzymie została dokonana w I w. p.n.e., jednak postawa elity rzymskiej wobec lekarzy była nadal niejednoznaczna, ponieważ lekarze ci przychodzili zwykle ze Wschodu i praktykowali lekarstwo obce. Celem artykułu była analiza postawy elity rzymskiej wobec tych, którzy musieli zadbać o swoje zdrowie. Za pomocą źródeł literackich autorstwa m.in. Kato Starszego, Cycerona czy Pliniusza, oceniono, do jakiego stopnia ci lekarze, którzy oddziaływali na życie arystokracji, byli postrzegani jako carnifici, którzy zabijali, lub amici, którzy uzdrawiali.
Studia Hercynia
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2016
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vol. 20
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issue 2
30-39
EN
This paper arises from the socio‑cultural norms about female biology that are evident in the Greek medical theories and discusses what measures women could take in response to the concerns presented by them. Taking the viewpoint of individuals as ‘consumers’ of healing, it examines healing opportunities within the shrines of Artemis and Hera. Artemis and Hera are well known to us for their association with women, their biological and social maturation, and, consequently, conception, pregnancy and childbirth. A significant body of evidence potentially indicating a concern for female health exists in their sanctuaries, typically in the form of votive offerings. Did all the sanctuaries of Artemis and Hera offer protection for gynaecological problems? Did the two goddesses offer the same level of protection? Was this protection subject to regional variation? Investigating votives dedicated to the two deities, this paper surveys ways in which the healing landscape of ancient Greece may have functioned in regard to female patients. Evidence from major sites in Attica, the Peloponnese and Asia Minor is brought together to allow a better comparison of customs.
PL
The article describes a preserved poetic fragment commonly called De piscibus, written by Marcellus of Side. He was a physician and a renowned epic poet, who lived in the town of Side (Pamphylia) in the second century AD. In the analyzed fragment (v. 41–101), being an extract from his didactic epos entitled Cheironides, Marcellus of Side presents a number of remedies prepared from some marine animals, especially fishes, living in the Mediterranean Sea.
EN
Leguminous plants were a crucially important element in the Mediterranean diet, and, as such, these plants were second only to cereals. It is also important to note that according to medical writings preserved from antiquity and the early Byzantine period they were considered to be an accessible source of substances which could be applied in therapeutics. One of the most commonly mentioned legumes was the chickpea. The source material demonstrates that the medicinal properties of the chickpea and its therapeutic use were discussed by Greek physicians as early as in the fourth century BC. It seems that the plant was a readily accessible medicament and thus used in therapy also by those who could not afford costly medicines. The authors argue, however, that the medical theory concerning its role in therapeutics evolved into a fully developed form only in the first century AD (thanks to Dioscorides) and was not modified by Galen. The doctrine of these two physicians became part of the medical encyclopaedias of the early Byzantine period. The presented material also illustrates the fact that a significant number of medicinal Recipes which involved using the chickpea were formulated between the second century BC and the second century AD. Byzantine physicians avidly used these formulas in their practice, but failed to develop them in a significantly innovative way. The surviving medical writings make it possible to conclude that the chickpea was believed to be a highly effective medicine and as such worthy of cultivation, which only testifies to the general popularity of the plant. Medical writings may serve as a proof that the chickpea remained a key element in the Mediterranean diet throughout the period from the fourth century BC to the seventh century AD. The analysed material demonstrates the use of the same basic varieties of the erebinthos throughout the period, even though some local variants were also identified. The consistency of the data also suggests that the scale and methods of cultivation of this plant remained unchanged. The culinary uses of the chickpea must also have been the same throughout the period, given that the writers discussed similar uses of the plant as a foodstuff.
Roczniki Humanistyczne
|
2021
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vol. 69
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issue 3
125-137
EN
The Hippocratic writings show that ancient medicine focused its diagnostic and therapeutic efforts on the patient to a high degree. However, Rufus of Ephesus, an author from the 2nd century A.D., shows that listening carefully to the patient is no less important in medicine than taking into account his existence’s external and internal conditions. Making the patient a unique partner in the pursuit of improving the quality of their health also enhances their quality of life. Moreover, modern medical humanities strongly emphasize the fact that taking into account the biopsychosocial aspects of patient care strengthens the principle that in any case, it is the person who should be in the center of therapeutic care. His life and health constitute the overriding goal of any medical intervention.
PL
Pisma hippokratejskie dowodzą, że starożytna medycyna w wysokim stopniu skupiała swoje wysiłki diagnostyczne i terapeutyczne na pacjencie. Rufus z Efezu, autor z II wieku po Chrystusie, pokazuje jednak, że w medycynie nie mniej ważne jak uważne słuchanie pacjenta jest też branie pod uwagę warunków zewnętrznych i wewnętrznych jego egzystencji. Uczynienie chorego wyjątkowym partnerem w dążeniu do poprawy jakości jego zdrowia poprawia także jakość jego życia. Co więcej, we współczesnej humanistyce medycznej mocno podkreśla się fakt, że uwzględnienie biopsychospołecznych aspektów opieki nad pacjentem wzmacnia zasadę, że w każdym wypadku to właśnie człowiek powinien znajdować się w centrum opieki leczniczej, a jego życie oraz zdrowie stanowi nadrzędny cel każdej interwencji medycznej.
EN
Pedanius Dioscurides of Anazarbos, a physician working for the Roman army living in the first century AD, secured his place in history of medicine as the author of two works, namely De materia medica, and Euporista vel de simplicibus medicinis. Among the substances referred to by the doctor of Anazarbos we find numerous animal-based products, including milk (gála; γάλα), whey (órros; ὄρρος), cheese (týros; τύρος) and butter(boútyron; βούτυρον). Dioscurides’ treatises belong to the group of the oldest surviving examples of highly developed medical theory of milk. The subject in question was considered to be important as regards therapy, and therefore interesting to both doctors and the wider public keen on acquiring knowledge (such was the intended readership of Pliny). As for the theory, it was sufficiently developed to be seen as a separate branch of dietetics and pharmacology. The data discussed in the present study indicate that this medical doctrine had developed before the first century AD, prior to being formulated in the form observable in De materia medica and in Euporista vel de simplicibus medicinis. The similarities between the accounts of Dioscurides on the one hand and Celsus and Pliny on the other suggest that all these doctors made use of established and widely adopted standards. The surviving evidence confirms that the doctrine on milk was not modified after the first century AD. Galen, writing in the second century, did not introduce any major changes with regard to its theory. Dioscurides’s treatises and other medical texts which contained discussions on the doctrine concerning milk can not only be useful as sources for history of medicine sensu stricto, but also for the study of ancient and early Byzantine economy, particularly as regards the breeding of milk animals. In addition to that, by discussing the technology of production of individual substances, the texts in question illustrate the popular methods used in contemporary cuisine. Moreover, they shed light on the patterns of consumption of various foodstuffs, and in consequence impart information on the contemporary society. Thus, the works of the doctor of Anazarbos can rightly seem to provide excellent reference material, in particular for the study of the daily life of most social classes, and as such they should be seen as a vital historical source, useful not only for historians of medicine.
PL
Poniższy tekst dotyczy przede wszystkim zastosowania mleka i uzyskiwanych z niego produktów, tj. serwatki, sera i masła, w medycynie okresu wczesnego Cesarstwa Rzymskiego ukazanej przez pryzmat dwóch greckich dzieł (obu prawdopodobnie) autorstwa Dioskuridesa znanych pod łacińskimi tytułami De materia medica i Euporista vel de simplicibus medicinis. Ważną jego część stanowią jednak również analizy tych fragmentów obu wymienionych traktatów, które mają charakter pozamedyczny i dotyczą kwestii związanych z technologią spożywczą, kwantyfikacją rodzajów mleka czy metodami hodowli zwierząt mlecznych. Obok zatem informacji dotyczących terapeutycznych właściwości opisywanych produktów i szeregu przykładów ich praktycznych zastosowań w lecznictwie uprawianym przez Dioskuridesa, czy szerzej: medyków w początkach naszej ery, omawiamy m.in. znajdujące się u tego autora zalecenia dotyczące technologii gotowania mleka, uwagi dotyczące wpływu paszy na jakość udojonego płynu czy metody produkcji stosowane w ówczesnym serowarstwie. Zaczerpnięte z Dioskuridesowej spuścizny dane (zamieszczone przezeń niejako na marginesie jego głównego wywodu dotyczącego sztuki medycznej) uzupełnione wiadomościami pochodzącymi z traktatów innych autorów tej epoki, jak Celsus, Pliniusz Starszy i Galen, dają także asumpt do snucia opartych na takim materiale źródłowym i podpartych ustaleniami współczesnej nauki rozważań na temat popularności poszczególnych produktów mlecznych w społeczeństwie grecko-rzymskim okresu wczesnego Cesarstwa czy przyczyn stojących za kształtowaniem się śródziemnomorskiej tradycji kulinarnej (jak np. różnice w konsumpcji nabiału między Grekami i Rzymianami a tzw. barbarzyńcami i ich powody). Na podstawie przeprowadzonych badań wnioskować można, że wszyscy znani autorzy z I w. n.e. i późniejszych stuleci (w tym Dioskurides), zajmujący się omówioną w artykule tematyką, byli reprezentantami tej samej, już wówczas ukształtowanej, tradycji, której twórców nie znamy. Stąd duża zbieżność poglądów postaci takich jak Celsus czy Galen, a później Orybazjusz i kolejni bizantyńscy lekarze na temat właściwości nabiału i jego możliwych zastosowań terapeutycznych. Uogólniając, zarówno mleko, jak i wytwarzane z niego produkty były w medycynie stosowane zarówno zewnętrznie, jak i wewnętrznie w różnych formach (jako lekarstwa proste i złożone) i przy różnych dolegliwościach, takich jak dyzenteria, dna moczanowa, choroby o charakterze stomatologicznym, oftalmologicznym, otorynolaryngologicznym, urologicznym i innym.
EN
The present study has resulted from a close reading of prescriptions for therapeutic wines inserted in book V of De materia medica by Pedanius Dioscorides, the eminent expert in materia medica of the 1st century A.D. The authors emphasise the role of wine varieties and selected flavourings (and especially of myrrh) in order to determine the social status of those to whom the formulas were addressed. This perspective gives the researchers ample opportunity for elaborating not only on the significance of wine in medical procedures but also for underscoring the importance of a number of aromatics in pharmacopoeia of antiquity and Byzantium. The analysis of seven selected formulas turns out to provide a fairly in-depth insight into Mediterranean society over a prolonged period of time, and leads the authors to draw the following conclusions. First, they suggest that medical doctors were social-inequality-conscious and that Dioscorides and his followers felt the obligation to treat both the poor and the rich. Second, they prove physicians’ expertise in materia medica, exemplifying how they were capable of adjusting market value of components used in their prescriptions to financial capacities of the patients. Third, the researchers circumstantiate the place of medical knowledge in ancient, and later on in Byzantine society. Last but not least, they demonstrate that medical treatises are an important source of knowledge, and therefore should be more often made use of by historians dealing with economic and social history of antiquity and Byzantium.
|
2016
|
vol. 15
|
issue 2
5-43
EN
Milk was a very significant food product in the Mediterranean. The present study is not devoted to milk as such, but to therapeutic galactology, galaktología iatriké (γαλακτολογία ἰατρική), a version of which is extant in De medicina penned by a Roman encyclopaedist called Celsus. The author places milk and milk-derived products among therapeutic substances, indicates the methods of processing such substances, and also provides the readers with details on dietary and pharmacological characteristics of dairy foods as well as indicating their place in a number of cures. It is necessary to pay attention to the fact that the characterizations of milk and dairy products with regard to their dietary properties and application as phármakon (φάρμκον) are not an exclusive feature of De medicina, but they are regularly mentioned not only in medical works, such as De diaeta I–IV, teachings of Dioscorides, extant fragments penned by Rufus of Ephesus, Galen, Oribasius, Aetius of Amida and Paul of Aegina, but also in Historia naturalis by Pliny. This is a clear sign that milk was considered to be significant from the medical point of view and was as such very interesting both for the medical profession and for general public. Therefore De medicina appears as a typical work, and details contained in it are simply a testimony of the evolution of the doctrine that was already present in De diaeta I–IV and later developed by the most prominent physicians.
PL
Mleko było i jest znaczącym produktem spożywczym w diecie mieszkańców basenu Morza Śródziemnego i dlatego stało się ono przedmiotem zainteresowania medycyny antycznej. Artykuł poświęcony został jednak nie historii tego produktu spożywczego, ale galaktología iatriké (γαλακτολογία ἰατρική), a zatem zespołowi poglądów na rzeczone substancje z punktu widzenia medycyny antycznej, który zawarty został w traktacie De medicina napisanym przez rzymskiego encyklopedystę tworzącego w I w. n.e., którego zwykle identyfikujemy jako Aulusa Korneliusza Celsusa. Podstawową treścią rozważań jest ukazanie poglądów Celsusa w kwestii leczniczej funkcji mleka i produktów mlecznych, więc ich cech dietetycznych i farmakologicznych, a w końcu miejsca w procedurach terapeutycznych opisywanych przez starożytnego encyklopedystę. Autorzy analizują dostępne w dziele informacje także z punktu widzenia historii jedzenia oraz historii ekonomicznej i społecznej. Badacze rozpatrują zagadnienie na szerokim tle historii medycyny w antyku i wczesnym Bizancjum (od IV w. p.n.e. do VII w. n.e.), wykorzystując dane zawarte w De diaeta I–IV, traktatach Dioskurydesa, Rufusa z Efezu, Galena, Orybazjusza, Aecjusza z Amidy oraz Pawła z Egny. Wskazują też na analogiczny zasób wiedzy, który stał się podstawą refleksji Pliniusza Starszego zawartych w jego Historia naturalis. Owo bogactwo informacji interpretowane jest przez nich jako dowód zainteresowania tym zagadnieniem nie tylko w gronie profesjonalnych medyków, lecz także szerokiej publiczności, a dzieło De medicina traktują jako przejaw rozwoju doktryny medycznej.
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