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Mäetagused
|
2015
|
vol. 60
95-126
EN
The article points to the aspects of Orthodoxy that Estonian-language Orthodox regard as essential. The results discussed in the article were obtained in the course of a religious-sociological study. The article presents plenty of citations from interviews, which explain why people consider Orthodoxy as special and different from other confessions. Answers are categorised on the basis of Ninian Smart’s classification of the dimensions of religion. The informants mentioned all the seven dimensions of religion as being in the centre of Orthodoxy: practical and ritual, narrative and mythic, experiential and emotional, social and institutional, ethical and legal, doctrinal and philosophical, and material. The aspects referred to most often were related to experiential and emotional and ritual dimensions. The informants emphasised the experientiality of Orthodoxy, the stability of traditions, and genuine prayer life in comparison with other confessions, which, in combination, makes the Orthodox feel cosy and homelike. Orthodoxy is seen as consistent and all-embracing, enabling freedom of thought and action. The absence of a strict application of the canons of the church (oikonomia) inherent in Orthodoxy tends to be used as an excuse, to ignore the rules that seem to be unpleasant. The phenomena associated with the material dimension were also mentioned rather often. The philosophical dimension was more important for the clergy and those who had studied theology. The narrative dimension, especially the narrative about the arrival of Orthodoxy, occupied a central place among the Setomaa Orthodox. The ethical dimension in association with Christian love was mentioned more often than in connection with other ethical aspects, which were rather exceptional cases. Regarding the institutional dimension as the centre of Orthodoxy was also rather exceptional. The article also discusses shaping of the opinion about Orthodoxy, its connection to religious identity, and the role of opposition to other confessions therein.
EN
The main goal of this article is to present some of the dimensions characterizing the worldof the committed (called also ‘fanatical’, ‘hardcore’) football fans. It is assumed that thestructure of this group is strongly saturated with a specific cultural content which generatesits identity. This refers to the cultural patterns that constitute a form of a culturalcommunity. A comprehensive analysis of the nuances of the fan culture would exceed theframework of an article, therefore only one cultural pattern is described. The patter whichis responsible, however, for a wide range of events. It is a frame of creating the ‘opposition’of various kinds, the mechanism of defining the identity on the basis of the distinction between ‘We’ and the ‘Other’. It is one of the fundamental characteristics defining thefan movement in Poland. It is assumed that the cultural and social factors independentlycontribute to the constitution of this community largely due to the identity of ‘difference’.It is reasonable to show the role played by the external factors that operate in a broaderstructural context in shaping this phenomenon.
PL
W anglojęzycznej literaturze przedmiotu od dawna toczy się dyskusja o naturze wspólnotykibiców piłkarskich. Przez lata akademicki dyskurs zdominowany był przez tematykęchuligaństwa stadionowego. W polskiej socjologii sportu ten temat dopiero od niedawnajest eksplorowany. Niniejszy tekst proponuje pewne ramy koncepcyjne do badań empirycznychkibiców. Rozważania zawarte w tekście mogą posłużyć jako rodzaj zestawu narzędzianalitycznych do badania tej tożsamości. Mowa o wzorze kształtowania opozycji,mechanizmie definiowania tożsamości na zasadzie odgradzania swojego świata od „Innego”.Jest to jedna z fundamentalnych cech definiowania ruchu kibicowskiego w Polsce.Używanie antagonistycznych/opozycyjnych form definiowania tożsamości przywołujetakże kontekst czynników zewnętrznych wpływających na zachowanie kibiców. Przyszłebadania empiryczne mogą zatem wyodrębnić te wymiary wzorów opozycyjnych, którew polskim kontekście stanowią istotny zasób tożsamościowotwórczy.
EN
The aim of this paper is to present the idea of violence in Nietzsche’s work, seen as a basic principle that organizes and unites different elements of his philosophy. Violence is one of its crucial categories, which he exploits in his descriptions and analyses of metaphysical, historical and social-cultural reality. In what follows, I shall examine different meanings and renditions of violence in Nietzsche, both in their negative as well as positive aspects. I shall start from an attempt to locate Nietzsche’s understanding of violence within the Western philosophical tradition. Then, I will discuss it in the light of the evolution of Nietzsche’s work. By analyzing the positive and constructive meaning of violence, I shall be able to conclude the essay by emphasizing that in Nietzsche’s political project violence acquires a spiritual and sublime nature.
EN
In the Russian social thinking, the notion „dissident movement” has appeared twice. For the first time, as a historical and theoretical term in the essay The Dissident (1866) by Nikolay Sokolov, and then, a century later in the autobiographical The Confession of a Dissident (1990) by Alexander Zinoviev. Zinoviev considered „the dissident movement” to be social practices, which allow for social generalization. The first part of the article represents the thinking on the initial stage of dissident movement understanding. The Russian essay writers of the 60s of 19th century analyzed this phenomenon based on the European experience, and connected it with the revolutionary struggle against the government and society to build socialist future for the mankind. In the second part of the article, the „dissident movement” is seen as a trial of a philosopher and sociologist who lived in socialism and communist period, in order to describe the merciless technologies to eliminate an individual from the Soviet intelligent society, in the 60s and 70s of 20th century.
EN
Diverse forms of mercury (Hg) have various effects on animals and humans because of a variety of routes of administration. Inorganic mercury (iHg) binds to thiol groups of proteins and enzymes in one’s body or is methylated by microorganisms. Organic form of Hg, contrary to the iHg, is more stable but may be demethylated to Hg2+ in the tissue of intestinal flora. Selenium (Se) also occurs in a variety of chemical forms in one’s body but both of these elements behave very differently from one another. Mercury binding to selenide or Se-containing ligands is a primary molecular mechanism that reduces toxicity of Hg. Complexes formed in such a way are irreversible, and thus, biologically inactive. Se deficiency in a human body may impair normal synthesis of selenoproteins and its expression because expression of mRNA may be potentially regulated by the Se status. This paper provides a comprehensive review concerning Hg–Se reciprocal action as a potential mechanism of protective action of Se against Hg toxicity as well as a potential detoxification mechanism. Although interactions between Hg–Se have been presented in numerous studies concerning animals and humans, we have focused mainly on animal models so as to understand molecular mechanisms responsible for antagonism better. The review also investigates what conclusions have been drawn by researchers with respect to the chemical species of Se and Hg (and their relationship) in biological systems as well as genetic variations and expression and/or activity of selenoproteins related to the thioredoxin (thioredoxin Trx/TrxR) system and glutathione metabolism. Int J Occup Med Environ Health 2018;31(5):575–592
EN
Antagonistic interactions in nature are treated as relations exerting an extremely negative impact on at least one of those involved. Built around tension and conflicts of interest, these interactions lead to force-based resolutions. It is remarkable that people in the present-day culture transpose rules governing these relations onto everyday life, especially when a new situation arises. Then, it is necessary to assign each participant a status and role within the hierarchy. In the paper entitled An Antagonistic Relationship in the Dentist’s Office. An Interdisciplinary Case Study Magdalena M. Jaroń undertakes an interdisciplinary study of this problem in the context of specific relations between dentists and patients. Her study is an attempt to redefine antagonism, and as such it is positioned firmly within the theme of dentophobia. However, the author proposes an alternative approach, rooted in philosophy which aims to provide other sciences (including psychology, psychiatry, and medicine) with new areas of research. Magdalena M. Jaroń’s paper provides the reader with an overview of the current literature on dentophobia, as it tries to examine the anxiety- driving factors and suggest specific treatment or periprocedural elements which should be reduced. As it turns out, the research in this area has for years delivered unchanged findings, with the dentist’s office always characterized primarily by the „pain” (fear)/ „no pain” (expectation) dichotomy. The author points out that the nature of an antagonistic relation is not defined solely by how the people involved perceive it. It is the proper course of that relation that solidifies the relative positions of actors in that relation. A very specific conclusion follows: it is not the „pain” (understood as fear) or „no pain” (understood as expectation) that determine the severity of phobias, but what happens „in-between”, what fills the space of an antagonistic interaction between these two opposites. By specifying this tension in more detail, it is possible to ease the transition between the components that are contradictory. For this reason, the interdisciplinary attempt to extract antagonisms such as: sender-recipient, message-noise, chaos-order, patient- doctor, etc. from a communicative situation, constitutes a brand new cultural approach to dentophobia.
EN
he main goal of examining a single philosophical theory, connected with social and political disciplines, is not just to identify its incoherence or to restate the theory in a more elegant way. More important in that kind of investigation is to show its possible impact on people’s lives and the functioning of communities. Thus, it seems more reasonable to conduct a critical analysis of the possible consequences for a real society than to undertake a simple study of the argument’s logical consistency. The main aim of this paper is to introduce doubts about the thesis of Chantal Mouffe presented by her in Agonistics. Thinking the World Politically and Passion and Politics. Main hypothesis is that thinking about the “political” and “politics” with reference to enmity as well as claiming that the source of every political and social activity is antagonism, can provoke an attitude that social and political scenes are battlefields rather than an agora or the space of human interactions. First of all, the author provides the critical analysis and reconstruction of the most important claims connected with the “political”, which can have strong negative effects-i.e. brutalization and creating a negative basis for social relation. Then presents a few possible sources of thinking of “political” as a “competition” or rather “enmity”. The last part it is the critic of what Mouffe claims about reason why people get involve into politics, based on the psychological experiments and in result of this the author shows the importance of validity the high standards in politics, diplomacy and relation on the social level.
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza specyfiki funkcjonowania partii Podemos w kontekście zjawiska bipolarności. Zakłada się, że kreowanie w hiszpańskiej polityce układu sił politycznych, opartego na dwóch odmiennych grupach – obywatelach i „kaście”, stanowi fundamentalny czynnik determinujący charakterystykę ugrupowania oraz metody jego działalności. Przyjmuje się, że ele-mentem kształtującymi tego typu specyfikę jest oparcie strategii politycznej na adaptacji tożsamości wypracowanej przez Ruch 15-M oraz silnym antagonizmie. Jednocześnie zaś zauważyć można, że bipolarność Podemos przybiera charakter pozorny, co z kolei jest wynikiem systematycznego do-stosowywania się do standardów funkcjonowania partii w życiu politycznym.
XX
The purpose of this article is to analyze the specifics of the functioning of the party Podemos in the context of the phenomenon of bipolarity. It is assumed that the creation of the Spanish policy of political forces, based on two different groups - citizens and “caste” is a fundamental factor in deter-mining the characteristics of a group and methods of its activities. It is assumed that the elements shaping this type of specificity is to base a political strategy on the adaptation of identity developed by the Movement 15-M and the strong antagonism. At the same time it can be observed that the bi-polarity of Podemos becomes a sham, which in turn is the result of a systematic adaptation to the standards of functioning of the party in the political life.
PL
Jedną z najważniejszych cech językowej kreacji zagrożenia o podłożu społecznym i politycznym jest ciągłe odwoływanie się przez nadawców publicystycznych do kulturowej opozycji „swój” – „obcy” implikującej automatycznie opozycję „my” – „oni”. W niniejszym artykule wspomniane dwubiegunowe rozgraniczenie rozpatrywane jest w dwóch aspektach: Rosja – Zachód (USA, UE) oraz Rosja – Ukraina. Na podstawie zgromadzonego materiału ilustracyjnego wyodrębnione zostały główne elementy w kształtowaniu obrazu wroga. Wymieniona dychotomia stanowi swoisty rodzaj klucza, zasady porządkującej konstruowanie obrazu świata, modyfikuje istniejącą językową interpretację rzeczywistości w celu skuteczniejszego wpływania na poglądy i postawy odbiorców tekstów prasowych. W analizowanych tekstach publicystycznych omawiana opozycja zostaje dodatkowo zintensyfikowana, przez co kontrast pomiędzy obiema grupami („my” – „oni”) zaznacza się bardziej wyraziście.
EN
This paper aims to highlight the resemblances existing between the poetic art by Isidor Ducasse (Lautréamont) and the poetic and aesthetic realisations of some expressionist authors. We have mainly analysed the concept of antagonism which seems to be a cardinal component of both the Lautréamont’s poetics and most expressionist works. Another part of our analysis is dedicated to the hypertrophy of the author’s I instance, emblematic in the Lautréamont’s work, reminding the expressionist principle of irradiation of the author’s I. Furthermore, we have analysed the principle of exaggeration, so much visible in Chants de Maldoror. It aims an antinaturalistic derealisation of the poetic universe as well as a caricatured painting of the political and sociological reality. All those aspects enable some sociocritical participation of the literary work in a changing world.
EN
In the antagonistic conflicts between sides with the equalized potential it is possible such a situation that none of the sides is able to win, nor to cut off the fight although their own forces are running out and thus increases the threat of self-destruction. This endless exchange of blows is escalating in time and causing more destruction and damage than profits. The unilateral initiative of armistice is impossible, because both fighters are afraid that it may be viewed as a symptom of weakness and incentive to intensify attacksIn their own ranks striving for agreement with the adversary may be condemned and obstructed as a betrayal. Then the vicious circle of the insoluble struggle sets the spiral of violence.
EN
The text is an attempt to draw the reader attention to the importance of mechanisms and potential effects of political narrations of Manichaean antagonism. The author assesses that these type of narrations, par­ticularly when they grow to the status of the official political propaganda, constitute the significant threat to liberal democracy. An axiological antagonism is determining the creation of a state of political war, makes impossible the dialogue and the cooperation between political groups. The rival is taken as the enemy, and political arche is an aspiration to destroy him. Such a scheme is a great challenge for the political pluralism. Antagonistic narrations, especially marked with Gnostic and Manichaean elements most often apply ma­nipulative reductions in complex reality, relying on such public instructions as: low political competence, mistrust, authoritarian and paranoid tendencies.
PL
W artykule zostały omówione główne założenia teorii dyskursu Ernesta Laclaua i Chantal Mouffe. Jest to postmarksistowska teoria, która powstała na bazie prac takich badaczy jak z jednej strony Karol Marks, a z drugiej strony Ferdynand de Saussure, Michael Foucault czy Jacques Lacan. Pozwala realizować polityczne interesy ugrupowań lewicowych, za co jest krytykowana przez ugrupowania konserwatywne. Jednakże teoria ta pozwala także wyjaśnić wiele mechanizmów rządzących współczesną demokracją, w tym zjawisko populizmu. E. Laclau i Ch. Mouffe wprowadzili wiele nowych pojęć, które zostały wyjaśnione w artykule. Są to: antagonizm, artykulacja, logika ekwiwalencji, logika różnicy, puste znaczące, punkty węzłowe, hegemonia.
EN
The paper presents the main assumptions of the discourse theory of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. It is a post-Marxist theory which was formulated on the basis of the works of different authors such as Karl Marks on the one hand and Ferdinand de Saussure, Michel Foucault or Jacques Lacan on the other hand. It is a theory which allows to realize the political interests of left-wing groups, for which it is criticized by the conservative parties. However, the theory gives the possibility of explaining a lot of mechanisms which govern modern democracy, including the phenomenon of populism. E. Laclau and Ch. Mouffe introduced lots of important notions which are explained in this article. They are the following : antagonism, articulation, logic of equivalence, logic of difference, empty signifiers, nodal points and hegemony.
EN
This article provides the crucial tools and methods of critical urban theory introduced by Oren Yiftachel, Israeli lecturer and activist in Department of Geography at Ben Gurion University in Beer Sheva. The author analyzes the phenomena of „gray spaces”, also termed as „urban informality” which is directly connected to the inferior citizenship’s condition of indigenous Bedouins and can be also linked to other populations in global South-East cities. Drawing to the colonial and (neo)Marxist language and relations, the paper invokes the concepts of „creeping apartheid”, hegemony, articulation and antagonism. The article argues for rethinking of the subalterns in terms of passive and unconcious groups. Regarding to the thought of Oren Yiftachel, the marginalized populations may articulate their antagonistic strategy by many urban, cultural and political practices, e.g. „sumood” or memory building.
PL
Artykuł przedstawia kluczowe narzędzia i metody tzw. krytycznej teorii urbanistycznej zaproponowanej przez Oren Yiftachela, izraelskiego badacza i aktywisty wykładającego na Wydziale Geografii na Uniwersytecie Ben Guriona w Beer Shevie. Autorka omawia fenomen „szarej przestrzeni” (czy: „miejskich nieformalności”), który doskonale odzwierciedla niższy status niektórych obywateli miejskich, reprezentowany u Yiftachel przez autochtoniczną populację Beduinów. Tego typu zjawisko może być obserwowane również pośród innych zbiorowości w miastach przynależących do globalnego Wschodu czy Południa. Autorka podąża za izraelskim badaczem ku inspiracjom kolonialnym i (neo)marksistowskim, by przedstawić znaczenie pojęć „pełzającego apartheidu”, hegemonii, artykulacji i antagonizmu. Według Yiftachela marginalizowane grupy mają zdolność wyrażania swojej antagonistycznej postawy w miejskich, kulturowych i politycznych praktykach, np. poprzez tzw. „sumood” czy budowanie pamięci.
PL
Wzrastające zainteresowanie związków zjawisk prawnych z politycznością uzasadnia podjęcie problemu polityczności nauki prawa. Artykuł podejmuje problem związków z politycznością dwóch subdyscyplin prawniczych – analitycznej teorii prawa oraz dogmatyki prawniczej, prowadząc rozważania z perspektywy jurysprudencji krytycznej, będącej prawniczą aplikacją teorii krytycznej. W tym celu najpierw definiuje pojęcie polityczności, rozumianej w duchu Mouffe jako wymiar antagonizmu leżący u podstaw każdego społeczeństwa. Tak rozumianą polityczność (the political) należy odróżnić od polityki (politics) oraz poszczególnych polityk (policies). Co się tyczy analitycznej teorii prawa, artykuł stawia tezę, iż jest ona programowo (choć milcząco) polityczna, a jej nastawienie badawcze sprowadza się do blankietowej afirmacji formy prawnej, przy uchyleniu się do ustosunkowania się konkretnego do jego treści. Z kolei co się tyczy dogmatyki prawniczej, nawiązując do Sawy Frydmana artykuł stawia tezę, iż dogmatyk, pomimo deklarowanej apolityczności, w rzeczywistości dokonując doktrynalnej wykładni prawa podejmuje kolejne decyzje, które są nie tylko decyzjami interpretacyjnymi, ale też politycznymi, bowiem wyznaczają kolejne etapy w antagonistycznych zmaganiach w społeczeństwie.
EN
The growing interest in the connections between legal phenomena and the political (das Politische, le politique) justifies an analysis of the problem of the relationship of legal sciences towards the political. The article focuses on two juridical sub-disciplines: analytical legal theory and legal dogmatics, and the analysis is conducted from the perspective of critical jurisprudence, a juristic application of critical theory. Towards this end, first the concept of ‘the political’ is defined, along the lines of Chantal Mouffe, as a dimension of antagonism, which lies at the foundation of any society. The political, understood in this way, must be differentiated both from ‘politics’ and from ‘policies’. As far as analytical legal theory is concerned, the article claims that it is programmatically (yet tacitly) political, as it affirms the juridical form as such, abstracting from its concrete content. As far as legal dogmatics is concerned, the article claims, following Sawa Frydman, that the dogmatician, despite his declared apoliticality, when performing a doctrinal interpretation of law, makes in fact decisions which are not only interpretive, but also political ones, setting subsequent stages in the antagonistic struggles within society.
PL
Jastrząb Patryk, The relationship between We/They dialectics and agonism in Polish context. Culture – Society – Education no 2(16) 2019, Poznań 2019, pp. 245–263, Adam Mickiewicz University Press. ISSN 2300-0422. DOI 10.14746/kse.2019.16.16. I focused on the unconstrained but established in the theory reflection on We/They dialectics, which was analysed for its antagonistic foundation as being understood in the Polish context. However, I did not only concentrate on presenting the socio-political perspective of this subject as I have adopted a more contemplative, philosophical approach. Therefore political reality was only a pretext for me to tell a reader about a much more fundamental conflict concerning our values and freedom. I concluded the consideration with stating the fact of the possibility of existence of agonistic diversity among democratic variety.
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