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Rozważania o europejskim antysemityzmie (recenzja)

100%
EN
Reflections on European anti-Semitism. Book review of Götz Aly, Europa przeciwko Żydom 1880-1945, Warszawa 2021
EN
The article deals with the history of Jews in Kraków during the German occupation. After discussing the origins and essence of the Judenrat as an institution, the author presents its legal determinants as well as the history of the Kraków Judenrat established by a decision of the Nazi occupation authorities. The author’s contention is that the Kraków Judenrat evolved from an institution focused on helping the local Jewish community into an institution blindly following the German orders, and that the change was associated with a change of people responsible for this policy.
EN
The aim of the article is to analyse the propaganda aspect of a Turkish film series Valley of the Wolves in reference to the category of liquidity coined by Bauman. The article starts with a description of the key features of liquid modernity. Then, the politicisation of the films is discussed, as well as the blurred line between reality and fiction. Further, the ideological issues are highlighted, including neo-Ottomanism, nationalism and anti-Semitism. The last part concerns the deep state, the grey area between the official institutions and terrorist groups and mafia.
EN
There are many factors that significantly influenced the Japanese attitude towards the Jews. Certainly, the most important are: more than 250 years of isolation and cultural dissimilarity, mainly in terms of religion. Within a short space of time, after Japan was forcefully opened to the outside world – with knowledge of art, literature, technological achievements and political and social changes – the Japanese learned about European opinions of the Jews, including the religious ones. However, it did not have an impact on the Japanese attitude towards the Jews. Political developments in the late 1800s and early 1900s created an image of the Jew as an influential person with a great ability in finance management. Japanese elites were convinced that loans granted by Jewish banks contributed to the victory over Western power – Tsarist Russia. Western politicians realised then that Japan has become an important player on Asian political scene. What influenced the Japanese attitude towards the Jews were accusations of inciting chaos in the world – for instance the Russian Revolution of 1917. The Japanese became more cautious, especially when it came to the basic premises of the so-called Fugu Plan but it did not change Japanese-Jewish relations. This attitude preserved even during the times of the Japan’s seemed-to-be close cooperation with the Third Reich – although other countries would tighten their policies towards the Jews.
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Thinking without Heidegger?

80%
Forum Pedagogiczne
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2019
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vol. 9
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issue 1
245-256
PL
There has been a resurgence of Martin Heidegger’s ideas in recent years, especially within English-language philosophy of education. Yet, there have also been other developments that deserve to be taken seriously, first and foremost the indication that his anti-Semitism informs not only his personal beliefs and political stance but is already rooted in his philosophy, notably his ontology. It is these developments and the context of Heidegger’s philosophy that are examined first, before I return to the purported significance of his ideas for education towards the end of this essay.
PL
The article concentrates on anti-Jewish excesses in the Bulgarian territories of the Ottoman Empire during the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878. The acts of violence against this group started at the very beginning of the war, when Russian and Cossack troops crossed the Danube and entered the city of Svishtov. Local Bulgarians joined the soldiers in the looting of the Jewish district. Several Jewish residents died. The anti-Jewish incidents occurred in several other towns (Stara Zagora and Kazanlak in particular), where local Jews were murdered and their houses were robbed and plundered. The prevailing atmosphere of chaos and fear of retaliation by retreating Turkish troops triggered the local Slavic population into committing crimes and murdering their Jewish neighbours, who were also accused sometimes of being Turkish spies. The only chance of survival for the local Jews was to flee into areas free from war, and many of them did so. It seems, however, that the atrocities did not influence considerably their attitude towards Bulgarians. In many cities, the local Jewry actually displayed great care for their neighbours, actively seeking to support and protect them. The participation of Bulgarians in the attacks belies the persistent idea of themselves being a traditionally tolerant nation, free of anti-Semitic sentiments. The Russian and Cossack troops also brought in a new variety of anti-Semitism, which previously was rather rooted in the local culture and folklore. В статье обсуждается вопрос антиеврейских эксцессов, которые имели место на болгарских землях, находящихся под турецким господством, во время очередной русско-турецкой войны, веденной в 1877–1878 гг. Первые акты насилия против этого населения были совершены сразу после начала конфликта и форсирования Дуная русскими и казацкими войскам, а также отрядами болгарского ополчения. Царствующий хаос и боязнь возмездия со стороны отступающих турецких отрядов стали причиной того, что казаки и местное славянское население, руководствуясь, прежде всего, желанием наживы, совершали насилие и убийства евреев во многих небольших населенных пунктах этой провинции Османской империи. Одновременно, похожей судьбы избежали жители больших городов (нпр. Софии), которые помогали болгарам в борьбе за соблюдение порядка и обеспечение безопасности. В результате погромов погибло более ста человек, а очередные несколько тысяч были вынуждены эмигрировать вне зоны военных действий. Участие болгар в нападениях на еврейское население во время войны 1877– 1878 гг. опровергает закрепленную в болгарском национальном сознании традиционную терпимость, которую они должны были проявить к меньшинствам, в данном случае общественности местных евреев. Одновременно действия самих русских и казаков к евреям являлись неким переломом по отношению к еврейскому населению со стороны самих болгар. На этих землях появился антисемитизм, понимаемый на современный лад, который заменил присутствующую ранее иудеофобию, опиравшуюся, главным образом, на местную традицию и фольклор.
Central European Papers
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2016
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vol. 4
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issue 2
80–99
EN
The role of public administration in the Holocaust has become an intensely debated issue recently. A large number of researchers have been dealing with the legal frameworks and the means of the administrative apparatus but only a few take up the issue of the moral responsibility of the public servants themselves. This specific aspect is highlighted in the present study, which seeks to answer the question on both theoretical and historical level. Of the theories concerning this topic, the most significant is that of the noted sociologist, late Zygmunt Bauman. The now-classic Polish-born sociologist holds that the major reason triggering the Holocaust is to be found in the characteristics of the bureaucratic machinery but he underestimates the role of anti-Semitism. This study makes an attempt to refute his thesis by highlighting, on the one hand, the activity of the bureaucratic apparatus and the "official anti-Semitism" in original documents, and, on the other hand, the role of anti-Semitic prejudices in a local community. The study uses Mezőberény, a small town in Békés County, Hungary, as an example of how the right-wing ideologies set foot in it from the 1930s, and how the extreme right-wing anti-Semitic movements prepared the ground for the Holocaust in 1944.
EN
The period between the 1905 Revolution and the outbreak of World War I was the time of deepening controversies between the interests of the Great Powers, the formation of the political and military alliances, and the preparations for a military conflict. In the Kingdom of Poland, the territory of which – as many expected – was to become one of the main battlegrounds in the upcoming war, the growing tension in the international relations was clearly felt. This tension influenced the internal situation, in which such events as the elections to the State Duma (the Russian Parliament), the issue of self-government or the emergence of the new Chełm gubernya (Province) electrified the population. The presence of a fairly large number of Jews, and the Jewish issue raised by some political forces were the other factors shaping up the social and political relations in the Kingdom; the factors, which - a few years before the war - gained the unprecedented momentum. Although the worsening of the Polish-Jewish relations could have been observed earlier, the elections to the State Duma in 1912, in which – due to the Jewish votes – the candidate of the National Democracy (the so-called endeks), Roman Dmowski lost his battle for a seat in the Parliament, became a turning point in the history of the Polish Jews.
PL
Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim
9
70%
EN
This paper aims to introduce the current trends in anti-Semitism in the Czech Republic in 2004-2014. This period maps the changes that appeared since the end of Second Palestinian intifada to the year 2014 which is the last year with available set of data of anti-Semitism in Czech society. The article shall examine whether there is a direct link between the contemporary important events in the Middle East and the changing number of anti-Semitic incidents in the Czech Republic. The attention shall also be given to the issue which groups of Czech society are mostly associated with anti-Semitism and what is their main motivation to participate in the anti-Semitic campaign.
EN
The relations between the Jewish and Japanese nations have never had top priority in Japanese government policy. This may be because Jewish people have been treated at the same level as all other foreigners from Western countries. Nevertheless, one can find different theories relating the Japanese and Jewish people. First of all, worth mentioning is the theory that the legend of the lost tribe of Israel represents the beginnings of the Japanese nation. This was promoted among others by Yoshiro Saeki, a professor at Waseda University, and is described in the first part of this paper. The first meeting with members of the Jewish nation in Japan came in the 19th and 20th centuries. They were usually merchants or professionals who took part in the Western-inspired modernization of Japan. Some of them will be introduced in this article. Judaism was never popular in Japan, and moreover was often mistaken with Christianity. The first convert was Setsuzô Kotsuji, and an analysis of his life and activity, based on his book, will be published in the third part of this article. The last problem undertaken in this paper will be anti-Semitism, which should be mentioned mainly because of Japanese relations with Nazi Germany in the 1930s. We can observe that Japanese government did not follow German leads on Jewish policy, but anti-Semitic threads can be found in Japanese history. The main aim of this article is to prove that Japanese people rarely distinguished Jewish from other foreigners or treated them in a specific way. The cases mentioned above will describe the situation in prewar Japan with a few references to the situation in World War II.
PL
Using the integrationist press reaction towards the pogroms of the early 1880s as a background, the author tries to show the impact of the pogrom in Białystok in 1906 on the integrationist milieu. The article analyzes both the Polish-Jewish literature and press articles as well as the way they depicted the Białystok pogrom. The Polish-Jewish reaction has been juxtaposed with opinions published in the Polish press.
EN
The article presents the results of researches on right-wing extremism sentiments in the German middle class, conducted on a regular basis by the Friedrich Ebert Foundation since 2006. The condition of social awareness is measured using a variety of categories. The described empirical studies focus on the spreading of the ideology of right-wing extremism. Antidemocratic populism and hostility toward many alienated social groups create a climate of suspicion and hatred, whereas its dominant rhetoric of injustice fosters the emergence of anti-system activities, which lead to mistaken political choices. The presented data combined with a precise sociological analysis help to define the dangers and provide specific arguments for the public debate. In turn, assessment of the ideology and mindset of the middle class, which is politically the most effective, decision-making social group, provides a fitting starting point for drawing conclusions. Those inferences confirm the diagnosis that first scratches begin to appear on the fragile surface of the middle class.
EN
The article deals with the issue of how to recognize the experience of March 1968 in non-fictionliterature. The article analyses three publications – Zapiski z wygnania by Sabina Baral, Księgawyjścia by Mikołaj Grynberg and Ani tu, ani tam. Marzec ’68: powroty by Krystyna Naszkowska.The author of the article has set herself the goal of describing the genre diversity of the discussedworks and describing various mechanisms for shaping individual messages about March, throughwhich the authors of texts give the events referred to different meanings. The analysis of the publicationfocuses on the issues of diverse images of Polish anti-Semitism, ways in which Jews perceivethe social situation in March 1968, ways of discovering their own identity, and contemporary imagesof Poland and Poles.
EN
This article is a methodological commentary regarding surveys on attitudes in Poland to Jews and publications on that research. It is intended to help in interpreting survey results and to prevent conclusions being drawn on insufficient grounds. The article shows some of the problems with interpreting and determining the meaning of survey results. It analyses, in this light, the survey meaning of the word “Jew;” numerical questions and answers; questions about attitudes-like and dislike, closeness and distance; answers expressing belief in Jewish power; and questions and answers in international comparative studies.
EN
In this paper, i analyse the components that make up the concept of so-called elements of anti-Semitism as presented by Theodor W. Adorno and Max Horkheimer. According to their multi-factorial analysis of the sources behind the development of anti-Semitism in the 20th century, we can distinguish four basic dimensions thereof: socio-economic, religious, ideological and ethical-moral. After a brief characterisation of each of the elements of anti-Semitism, i then juxtapose them with the phenomenon of contemporary Islamophobia in order to attempt to prove that the concept of the authors of the Frankfurt School has a broader and non-uniform dimension; it can be treated as a philosophical-critical foundation for theoretical research in the field of contemporary xenophobias and its sources.
EN
The article poses a research question, important not only in the studies on (neo-)gnosticism, concerning the relationship between the gnostic strategies of interpreting the world (and especially its typical rules of classifying people, based on the externalization of evil) and the tendency to construct a figure of “hylic” as a person embodying evil, and thus “unworthy of life”. In this context, the author is interested in the dynamics of the relationship between the religious worldview declared by the authors, the one they actually profess, and their attitude towards the so-called Jewish question. Bulgarian material, which is a case of a particular kind of aporia, cognitive dissonances emerging due to tension between the pressure of cultural stereotypes, pragmatic (economic), religious, parareligious and humanistic thinking, has been analyzed on the basis of post-secular thought. The investigator posits that Bulgarian culture, despite the “economic” anti-Semitism that exists within it, did not produce a figure of a Jew the hylic that absorbs all evil and that could be inscribed (as is the case in popular Polish culture, among others) in every troublesome local political and symbolic context.
EN
The idea of deporting the Jewish population of Europe was part of a modern anti-Semitism. Poland was no exception in this regard. Under the influence of other countries implementing anti-Jewish laws, also Polish anti-Semitism became more radical. After 1935, such postulates were openly expressed as the policy of the Polish government has changed its character – from state to national. Additionally, due to the global economic crisis the idea began to be taken far more seriously not just in national Catholic circles. The resettlement of Jews was seen as the way to reduce unemployment and to ‘Polonise’ Polish cities, as masses of poor peasants could replaced the Jewish workers as far as trade and craftsmanship were concerned. The authors of immigration plans for European Jews suggested evacuating them most willingly to uncivilised countries – including Madagascar (a French colony) – due to the fact that their lands were either not used at all or only used to an insufficient and inadequate extent. In Poland, the idea was first adopted in 1926 as a solution to the problem of overpopulation in rural areas. However, the conditions on the island did not allow settlement and soon the idea fell through. Yet it came back a decade later as a proposal of deporting exclusively Polish Jews. At the time, the project was taken much more seriously and in 1937 the Polish government commissioned a task force to examine the possibility of settling in Madagascar and to evaluate the island’s potential, in particular its climate and labour conditions. But the reports of the commission members were full of contradictions and the French were showing growing caution on the matter.
EN
Once they had settled in the Netherlands, Polish veterans seemed to perceive their new fatherland as a friendly environment, where they felt accepted and welcome at first. As time went by, more and more veterans realised they have difficulty in communicating their war experiences to the Dutch society. They felt being left aside and forgotten. They started as honorary citizens and ended as forgotten liberators. This article aims to explain when, how and why this shift took place and what historical and sociocultural factors were responsible for this change. It also looks at the way Polish veterans used their own war narratives and how their commemoration practices clashed with the dominant Dutch war remembrance culture
EN
The motto of Zofia Nałkowska’s short-story collection Medaliony [Medalions] – “People doomed people to this fate” [Polish, “Ludzie ludziom zgotowali ten los”] – as obvious as it may apparently seem, has aroused various controversies. Henryk Grynberg believed that the only right formula, the one that would do justice to those persecuted, would have been “People doomed Jews to this fate”. Recently, the discussion was resumed in a book on the portrayal of the Holocaust in Medaliony – Zagłada w „Medalionach” Zofii Nałkowskiej, edited by Tomasz Żukowski: one of its essays (by Żukowski and Aránzazu Calderón Puerta) notices that endeavours to universalise the Holocaust is at least premature for the Poles tending to avoid facing the truth about their own contribution to annihilation of the Jews. While the threads addressed in these debates are important, they disregard the beliefs and the system of values Nałkowska adhered to. The Polish novelist adopted the view that man and the pleasure he takes in inflicting pain is the actual cause of evil. This inclination revealed itself not only during the war. This more general observation was rooted in her knowledge of life, relations between people, and daily cruelty. Supported by an ideology and furnished with technical resources, the war added a historical dimension to this bent. Moreover, Nałkowska was definitely not one among those who stayed silent in respect of the Jewish victims. Conversely, a few of the stories in Medaliony speak exactly about this problem, never trying to conceal anti-Semitic attitudes among Poles.
EN
The article is devoted to a critical analysis of Mariusz Kopczyński’s interpretation of Otto von Bismarck’s political thought. In the first part of the article the author recalls the earlier Polish attempts to describe the “Iron Chancellor”, noting that they concerned mostly his public activities. In the second part the author argues that although M. Kopczyński’s research did not bring about a “Copernican revolution” in the academic literature dealing with Bismarck, it did make a fresh contribution by describing the Chancellor as a political thinker.
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