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EN
I argue that in interwar Greece there was a small yet influential of anti-Semitic anticommunists, whose centre and main area of interest was Salonica. I attempt to demonstrate that their ideas were not a particular Greek phenomenon- rather these intellectuals and activists distanced themselves from traditional forms of Greek anti-Semitism. On the contrary, their appearance was part of a panEuropean phenomenon triggered by the October Revolution in Russia, and facilitated by the ensuing immigration of the defeated Whites. This ideology should be understood within the context of the Ottoman imperial collapse, the ensuing relocation of populations and the anxiety of Balkan nationstates to ensure their national frontiers
EN
A conversation with professor Zofia Trojanowiczowa on the background and origin of Poznań 1956 protests . This was the first collection of essays and relations, and it was published in June 1981. A co-author of the book remembers the enthusiasm of revealing the truth about the workers’ uprising.
EN
Jerzy Snopek’s anthology Gwiazda przewodnia. Węgierski październik 1956 w rodzimej poezji i prozie  (Guiding star: Hungarian October 1956 in Polish poetry and prose) contains outstanding relations and reflections on the drammatic moment in history. The authors of works quoted in the collection were interested in, among other things, the combination of the personal and the collective, existential and historical, palpable and metaphysical.
PT
Ao realizar pesquisa nos arquivos pessoais do arcebispo de Diamantina, Minas Gerais, D. Geraldo de Proença Sigaud (1909-1999), observou-se que o então bispo de Diamantina (Minas Gerais) possuía importantes contatos com grupos anticomunistas norte-americanos e que recebia deles certo apoio ideológico. Foram encontrados inúmeras obras de cunho anticomunista e também correspondências entre o bispo e esses grupos no período da década de 1960. Esse artigo tem como objetivo principal apontar alguns desses contatos e trazer à luz alguns documentos que circularam no Concílio Vaticano II (1962-1965) a fim de conseguirem uma condenação explícita do comunismo por parte do concílio
EN
Research performed in the personal files and archives belonging to the Archbishop of Diamantina, Minas Gerais – Geraldo Proença Sigaud - showed that the Bishop of Diamantina (Minas Gerais) held important contacts with North American anticommunist groups receiving form them certain ideological support. In the Bishop´s files, the researcher found a great number of anticommunist works as well as correspondence between the Bishop and the anticommunist groups during the decade of 1960. The main purpose of this article is to point out some of these contacts and to shed light onto some of the documents that circulated during the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965) in order to get an explicit conviction of communism from the Council
EN
Between December 1918-March 1919, the relationship between Warsaw and Moscow was dominated by the issue of arresting Polish authorities and then by murdering - as it turned out by Polish Military Police - the so-called “Russian delegation of the Red Cross”. The following text is an attempt to reconstruct the reaction of the Polish press (especially the communist one) to these events. The text also makes an attempt to depict all the mechanisms of propaganda attacks on Poland applied by the Bolshevik diplomacy.
PL
Odzyskanie niepodległości przez Polskę w 1918 roku z punktu widzenia Związku Sowieckiego oznaczało znaczne utrudnienie w realizacji planów wspomagania ruchów rewolucyjnych w Niemczech i innych krajach europejskich. W obliczu przegranej wojny z Polską, sowieci zorganizowali bardzo rozbudowany system, którego zadaniem było prowadzenie działalności dywersyjnej i terrorystycznej na Kresach Wschodnich. Planowanym efektem akcji wykorzystującej ludność białoruską, ukraińską i litewską, a także polskich komunistów, było wywołanie rewolucji, która uzyskałaby oczywiście wsparcie ze strony sowietów. W rezultacie, wschodnie regiony Polski miałyby zostać przyłączone do Związku Sowieckiego. Dzięki skutecznej akcji polskiego kontrwywiadu wojskowego i postawie społeczeństwa, polska granica wschodnia przetrwała aż do IV rozbioru Polski w 1939 roku.
EN
Regaining independence by Poland in 1918 from the point of view of the Soviet Union meant a significant impediment to the implementation of plans to support revolutionary movements in Germany and other European countries. After the defeat in the war with Poland, Soviet government organized a very complex system, whose task was to carry out sabotage and terrorist activities in the Polish Eastern Borderlands. In these activities there were to be engaged the Belarussians, Lithuanians and Ukrainians, as well as Polish members of the communist party. The planned result of these activities were calling the revolution, which, of course, have obtained support from the Soviets. As a result, the eastern Polish regions would be connected to the Soviet Union. Thanks to effective action by the Polish military counterintelligence and the attitude of society, Polish eastern border lasted until the fourth partition of Poland in 1939.
EN
Adam Ciołkosz belongs to the most significant figures of the socialist movement. His political and journalistic activity in the interwar period is only known partially. Only his emigration stay in the United Kingdom (in the years 1940–1978) resulted in dynamic development and political activity. Because he was an authentic democratic socialist, he used to protest against communistic ideology. The analysis of his rich work permits to notice some innovative changes, which took place in the last halfcentury in the European and Polish socialist movement. Since A. Ciołkosz was inspired by those changes, he dwelled on the authentic role of Carl Marx in the labour movement as well as his influence on the development of socialist and communistic ideology.
EN
Analyses of communist repression in post-communist Romania focused on anticommunism and its totemic figures. Laws, institutions and people promote this perspective, transforming the suffering of the formerly politically persecuted into a patrimony meant to be preserved and passed on. On the official level, the anticommunist paradigm gained momentum in December 2006 when the communist regime was condemned as ‘criminal and illegitimate’. However, a majority of the population have not embraced the official approach to communism as the fallen regime still acts as a ‘millieu de memoire’ (as defined by Pierre Nora). My article deals with the main institutions and laws which aimed at promoting and transmitting the memory of repression in post-communist Romania. Analyzing the memory politics as regards the communist repression might provide fresh insight into the ongoing process of building a cultural memory through selection, reconstruction and adjusting figures, deeds, and memorial items.
PL
Czym charakteryzuje się faszyzacja przestrzeni? Jak i gdzie można ją rozpoznać? W jaki sposób architektura i symbole w przestrzeni publicznej przyczyniają się do faszyzacji życia codziennego? Jakie są narzędzia faszyzacji przestrzeni? Jedno z nich to polityka czystki oraz retoryka odzyskania przestrzeni po wyobrażonej obcej dominacji lub inwazji. Celem niniejszej rozmowy jest wyjaśnienie i rozświetlenie koncepcji faszyzacji przestrzeni. Dyskutantki i dyskutanci robią to posiłkując się przykładami z historii i współczesności Polski i Niemiec. Zastanawiają się także nad możliwym doprecyzowaniem kategorii faszyzacji tak, by odróżnić ten proces od innych zjawisk, np. nacjonalizmu.
EN
Are there fascizizing ways to look at public space and aesthetics? If so, how do they manifest themselves? What characterizes the fascization of space? How and where can you recognize it? How do architecture and symbols in public space contribute to fascization of daily life? One of them is a policy of cleansing and rhetoric about recovering after an imaginary foreign domination or invasion. The aim of this conversation is to elucidate the concept of the fascization of public space. The discussants do this by drawing on examples from the history of Poland and Germany as well as the present-day situation in both countries. They also consider how we can clarify the category of fascization in order to distinguish this process from other phenomena such as nationalism.
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