Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Refine search results

Journals help
Years help
Authors help

Results found: 39

first rewind previous Page / 2 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  aristocracy
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 2 next fast forward last
EN
A deep transformation of Austrian society, and consequently that of the aristocratic community occurred during the reign of Franz Joseph I. They lost their role as mediator between the Monarch and his subjects, i.e. their nobility rights, serfdom was also abolished. The aristocratic title as such was, however, preserved and the granting of it continued to be an important means of creating a group of inhabitants loyal to the sovereign and the state. This study interprets in detail the reasons for the change of Austrian aristocratic society after 1848 and the consequences of this situation for both the aristocratic community and the monarchy as a whole.
Zapiski Historyczne
|
2012
|
vol. 77
|
issue 3
7-21
EN
The article was written on the basis of the correspondence of the offi cials of Duchess Anna Radziwiłł-Sanguszko, whose lands belonged to the most extensive in the old Polish- Lithuania state. It discusses problems the duchess had to face connected with sending ships loaded with grain and potash to the harbours in Gdańsk and Königsberg in 1733 and selling the agricultural and forest products there. In Gdańsk a young Jew responsible for transport – Aronowicz – sold the grain too cheap (according to priests), which caused the duchess’s indignation. In Königsberg the merchants of the Saturguses and Fahrenheits occupied (arrested) the Radziwiłłs’ ships on account of the debt taken out by the Sapiehas – the former owners of part of the lands from which the goods originated. Nevertheless, a special envoy of the duchess Captain Karol Petersen led to a compromise. The article also discusses the organizational issues or river transport and difficult navigation conditions resulting from e.g. the low level of water.
|
2016
|
vol. 14
|
issue 2
159-169
EN
The article is devoted to the representative system, which was one of the elements of the social and political thought of the Russian philosopher Boris Chicherin, who worked in the second half of the nineteenth century. The author analyzes the structure of national representation and the factors which – according to Boris Chicherin – weakened or strengthened the system. In this article, the author emphasizes the role of different factors: social groups (aristocracy, middle class), political liberty and property, that were important for the formation of representative institutions. The analysis of the representative system would not be possible without presenting the basic outline of the conservative-liberal philosophy of the Russian thinker.
EN
In connection with the development of research on legislation determining the position of the German aristocracy, its role in administration, society and development of culture, a number of doubts have arisen in Polish science related to the need to transpose the concepts into Polish, but maybe even more, to give them appropriate content and even certain emotional charge. The problem became evident especially in relation to Herrenstand (Herrenkaste, Herrenklasse). Interestingly, despite the historicity of this concept, the European, as well as the German, historiography abandoned the general formulation of „aristocracy”. In fact, it is not only about the state elite, i.e. the nobles, which were common in countries under the influence, let us remember the German and Austrian legal and social cultures. Speech about an independent social stratum that has isolated and emancipated itself over the centuries. The main problem today is the restoration of the original form, as postulated by the author in research that has been carried out for over ten years, and its introduction to the scientific circle in the form of the term „estate of lords”. The main question of the article remains: Could we regard Herrenstand as separate and independent estate of the realm or not? Since there exist many indices of real possibility from the legal perspective, it could be at least very rational and reasonable.
EN
The subject of the analysis carried out in the spirit of cultural linguistics are private letters of the Pawlikowski family, particularly the correspondence between the married couple Helena and Mieczysław. The author concentrates on fragments which allow to reconstruct the culinary habits and preferences of the letter writers. Juxtaposition of the Polish and foreign lexical items as well as structures of the sentences on the culinary topics included in the letters shows a syncretism of tastes and cultural norms of the representatives of the aristocracy from the Małopolska region in the second half of the 19th century.
EN
Land reform was one of the most important acts of the First Czechoslovak Republic. It formally completed the democratic state system, in which all citizens were equal and all had the same opportunities, thus helping to ease social extremes. On the other hand, this particular act had an impact on one whole social group of the population, no matter the justifications that were made for it using historical or socio-political arguments. Although political declarations regarding land reform made no mention of former members of the aristocracy, but rather landowners, the idea of owners of large areas of land being former aristocrats resonated strongly within public opinion, with these members of the nobility representing one of the linchpins of the old system, and also being German, thus representing a natural enemy of the new republic.
DE
Die Bodenreform war eine der wichtigsten Maßnahmen der ersten Tschechoslowakischen Republik. Formal vollendete sie die demokratische Staatsordnung, in der alle Bürger gleich sind und die gleichen Gelegenheiten haben, und trug damit zur Milderung der sozialen Extreme bei. Andererseits traf die Republik mit diesem Akt eine ganze soziale Bevölkerungsgruppe, auch wenn sie sich bemühte, dies durch historische oder gesellschaftlich-politische Argumente zu rechtfertigen. Obwohl in den politischen Erklärungen in Zusammenhang mit der Bodenreform nicht von Angehörigen des ehemaligen Adels gesprochen wird, sondern nur von Großgrundbesitzern, bestand in der öffentlichen Meinung die starke Vorstellung von den Eigentümern großer Landgüter als ehemaligen Aristokraten, Vertretern einer der Stützen der alten Staatsordnung, Deutschen und somit ganz natürlich Feinden der neuen Republik. Ich habe versucht, diese Hypothese mit einigen Ausschnitten aus zeitgenössischen Dokumenten zu beweisen, ob nun ihre Verfasser zu den Sympathisanten der Bodenreform gehörten oder im Gegenteil die gewählte Form der Veränderung des Grundstücksbesitzes in der Tschechoslowakei kritisierten. Es ist interessant, dass sich nach Ablauf der Zeit der größten revolutionären Stimmungen, in der ein stark adelsfeindlicher Zug der öffentlichen Meinung zu erkennen war, die Situation soweit konsolidierte, dass in der Gesellschaft erneut Hochachtung vor den Vertretern der ehemaligen adeligen Schicht erwachte. In ihren Folgen war auch die Bodenreform nicht so weitreichend und streng, wie es in ihren Anfängen erschien. Der Großteil der konfiszierten Grundstücke ging im Lauf der 30iger Jahre an die ursprünglichen Eigentümer zurück. Bei einigen Großgrundbesitzern hinterließ wahrscheinlich der Prozess der Bodenreform trotzdem das Gefühl einer großen Verbitterung. Es ist die Frage, in welchem Maß diese Erfahrung zu ihrer eventuellen späteren Neigung zur Ideologie des Nationalsozialismus führte. Auch dies ist ein Studiengebiet, das noch detaillierter erforscht werden sollte.
EN
The article deals with the person of Johann Andreas Schneiderer. Schneiderer was a servant of the nobility who served the Czernin family (especially Franz Joseph Czernin) in the first third of the 18th century. The article is especially interested in two levels of his professional life, that is J. A. Schneiderer as an official (an administrator of Count Czernin’s palaces in Vienna) and as an agent who regularly informed his employer about events in the capital city of the monarchy.
EN
Letters have always played an important role as means of communication. As a historical source, they convey information about various aspects of life of their period, including both public and private. In this paper, I analyse the methodological principles and possibilities of conducting historical research of early modern aristocratic correspondence. The first part of the study deals with the theoretical questions related to historical letters. The second part verifies the methodological approaches providing examples based on the research of correspondence of the family Koháry from the 17th century, while pointing out the possibilities and limits of interpretation. The aim of the study is not to present the results of complex research, but it rather serves as an analysis of characteristics and distinctiveness of historical letters, and demonstrates some of the methods of scientific approach towards historical correspondence.
EN
« Faut-il nécessairement que la beauté s’ignore pour ne rien perdre de son éclat ? » : Good Taste and Grace in George Sand’s Le Piccinino In Histoire de ma vie, George Sand claims that the main reason she wrote Le Piccinino (1847) was so that she could present her views on the nobility in three central chapters. While using the discourse of the nobility on itself, in particular when it comes to the relationship between heredity and aristocratic memory, she also subverts this discourse by democratizing the relationship between memory and lineage. The rest of the novel offers many representations of noblewomen and noblemen, who all seem to share a specific trait: good taste and grace of manners, whose degree seems to accurately represent their position in society. This essay will explore these two facets of the nobility and the way in which they conspire to display an aura of natural superiority, while simultaneously being undermined by Sand’s very personal opinion, as she strives to dispel this long-lasting illusion.
EN
In my study, I analyze the structure of the noble society of the Upper Hungarian region, and I try to show, that which stratum of the noble society operated the different level of the military and estates govenment and how they were related each other in the first half of the 17th century.
EN
The independence of newly born (or reborn) states at the end of 1918 raised the question of the future of the aristocratic families who had built their position in the pre‑war empires. An interesting example of such dilemmas arose in Poland. This was connected with the fate of two originally German‑speaking families. One of them was a branch of the imperial Habsburg family that settled in Żywiec (German: Saybush) in western Galicia. The other: rich and powerful family of Hofburg von Pless having their main seat in Pszczyna (German: Pless) in Prussian Upper Silesia. They were both members of the absolute elite of European aristocracy, being related to many noble and royal families and playing important roles in the political and economic life of Austro‑Hungary and Germany. What they also had in common was the fact, that their estates were located in a borderland between different ethnic and national groups. After the end of World War One, almost all these properties became part of the independent Polish state. As a result, the new administration treated the families with serious distrust. However, their national choices were different: the Habsburgs of Żywiec started to consider themselves as pure Polish, while the Hofburgs radically adhered to their German self‑identity. This article shows what the criteria were behind these choices.
12
Publication available in full text mode
Content available

Zmierzch bogów w Dubrowniku

66%
EN
The Croatian film Occupation in 26 pictures (1978), directed by Lordan Zafranović is considered as one of the most controversial vision of the Second World War in Yugoslav cinema. The director uses the ornamental style, modeled on Italian cinema, to portray the change of power in Dubrovnik in 1941 – at the beginning of the fascist occupation of the city. He juxtaposes the licentiousness of Italian, German and Croatian fascists and the fall of the Dubrovnik aristocracy and the rebellion of communists. The political changes in the city are presented against the background of its rich cultural tradition. Zafranović highlights the beauty of Dubrovnik’s architectural and natural landscape that fascists desecrate. Decadent poetics with its aesthetic excess allows him to refresh and deepen the communist interpretation of the fascist occupation.
13
63%
EN
This article discusses the period of Prince Charles of Saxony’s rule in Courland. It analyzes the conditions that Charles of Saxony had to fulfil in order to be chosen to be the next Duke of Courland, and with his relationship with the Courland aristocracy and Russian potentates. Great emphasis is also placed on the influence of the Courland question on Russian and Polish foreign policy, because both states had made claims to Courland and wanted to gradually take possession of the Duchy. For the Polish king August III., his son Charles represented a means through which he would be able to achieve this goal. The Russian Tsarina Elizabeth Petrovna had to give up her plans for a while when the Seven Years’ War broke out, during which Russia needed to cooperate with Poland. Although Charles’ government had been fairly successful, he did remain in power, because after the end of the Seven Years’ War Russia was able to return to its original policy. The military conflict had strengthened Russia to such an extent that it no longer had to consider the wishes or demands of its neighboring states. This article’s research was conducted on the basis of archival sources stored in facilities in Germany and Latvia.
Pamiętnik Literacki
|
2020
|
vol. 111
|
issue 1
217-228
PL
W książce Leona Koźmińskiego „Voltaire finansista” (2019) Voltaire został przedstawiony od strony mało znanej. Nie jako filozof czy poeta, ale jako biznesmen. Autor rozważa, w jakich aspektach jego działalność jako przedsiębiorcy może zainteresować badaczy uprawiających socjologię historyczną. Zwraca uwagę na łączenie ról społecznych przedsiębiorcy oraz filozofa, uwikłanie przedsiębiorcy w ówczesny establishment polityczny, różnice społecznego i ekonomicznego krajobrazu miast takich jak Londyn, Amsterdam, Paryż i miasta położone nad środkową Wisłą. Ciekawa jest niemożność zajmowania się pieniędzmi oraz inwestowaniem w wypadku szlachty polskiej zestawiona z aktywnością Voltaire’a. W Polsce tych czasów szlachcic mógł się zajmować gospodarowaniem na roli lub wojaczką, podczas gdy aktywność związaną z obrotem pieniężnym przerzucano na Żydów – co miało wielorakie i długotrwałe konsekwencje. Ważna z punktu widzenia socjologii historycznej jest kwestia siły oddziaływania centralnej władzy państwa na aktywność ekonomiczną poszczególnych osób. Także – sposoby, jakimi owa władza przekazywała komunikaty poddanym, a w tym przedsiębiorcom. Autora interesuje, jakie formy działania uważano za akceptowalne w decyzjach ekonomicznych. Ciekawy jest obraz nowoczesnego – według kryteriów owego czasu – gospodarstwa rolnego, zarysowany przez Voltaire’a. Osobną sprawą, interesującą historyka pracującego na pograniczu socjologii, jest wykorzystanie korespondencji Voltaire’a w rozpatrywanym opracowaniu. Ponieważ, co oczywiste, dla dawnych czasów nie dysponujemy badaniami opinii publicznej, czerpanie informacji z korespondencji bywa wyjątkowo korzystne mimo wszystkich trudności, jakie przedstawia badanie takiego źródła.
EN
In Leon Koźmiński’s book “Voltaire finansista” (“Voltaire the Financier),” Voltaire is presented from an unknown side—not as a philosopher or a poet, but as a businessman. The author of the paper considers the possible aspects of Voltaire’s entrepreneurship that may raise interest of historical sociology scholars. He also pays attention to the merging of the social roles of the entrepreneur and the philosopher, and Voltaire’s mingling into the then political establishment, to the differences between the social and economical landscape of such cities as London, Amsterdam, or Paris, and those of the central Vistula. Impossibility of dealing with money or investments of the Polish nobility contrasted to Voltaire’s activity proves interesting. In Poland at that time a nobleman was to manage a farm or serve the army, while financial activity was given to the Jews, which brought about multiple and long-lasting consequences. From the point of view of historical sociology, it is vital to discern the crucial influence of the state’s central power on the economic activity of the individuals, as well as the ways the then power transferred message to its people, including the entrepreneurs. The author is interested in the forms of activity that were seen as acceptable when making economical decisions. The image of the modern, according to the criteria of its time, farmstead sketched by Voltaire is worthy of attention. A separate issue, also of interest to the historian researching the sociological borderline, is the use of Voltaire’s correspondence in the analysed study. As it is obvious that we lack social opinion material of the old days, employing pieces of information from letters is especially advantageous in spite of the many difficulties that this source poses to its readers.
Studia Hercynia
|
2019
|
vol. 23
|
issue 1
11-25
EN
The paper examines the Near Eastern and Greek dedications at the Sanctuary of Hera in Samos during the 8th to 6th centuries BC. Contextualising the types of dedications and their origins indicate the identity of the dedicators, and whether they were Samians, other Greeks or from the Near East. Much scholarship has been devoted to the Samian Heraion and this paper contributes to these discussions by tracing the socio -economic and political objectives of the dedicators and bringing different theories into a single narrative. The paper presents a selection of votive dedications that embody broader exchanges: firstly as a political act between states; as a display of social power; the growing trade routes and role of sanctuary markets; and finally, the other modes of contact that emerged, such as mercenaries and pirates. Overall, the Samian Heraion played an essential role as a timely crossroads between the East and West, where the dedication practices shed light on the various groups of dedicators.
EN
The work concerns the history of two lines of the Silesian House of the Dyherrn (Dyhrn). It is preceded by a short story of the whole family. The lines of the family are mentioned in a very few existing source materials. The tombstones in the church in Grodowiec (district of Polkowice), which are preserved till today, are the most important. The author presents the characteristics of the people from these ancestral lines, who passed away  in the 16th (relatively between the 16th and 17th) century. The work is completed by the drawings of tombstones.
PL
Praca dotyczy historii dwóch linii śląskiego rodu von Dyherrn (Dyhrn). Poprzedza ją krótka historia całego rodu. Podane w tytule linie rodu są dotknięte niewielką liczbą zachowanych źródeł, a do tych najważniejszych należą zachowane do dziś nagrobki w kościele w Grodowcu (powiat Polkowice). Autor przedstawia charakterystykę postaci z tych linii rodowych, które w XVI w., względnie na przełomie XVI i XVII w., wymarły. Pracę uzupełniają rysunki nagrobków.
PL
Złożoność struktury polityczno-ustrojowej Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów podkreślały, mocą swego szczególnego statusu, funkcjonujące w jej ramach księstwa. Większość z nich weszła w skład Rzeczpospolitej na skutek postanowień Unii Lubelskiej (1569 r.). Wraz z innymi podmiotami (posiadłości szlacheckie, terytoria dużych miastach królewskich, posiadłości kościelne, etc.), wzmacniały terytorialno-administracyjną decentralizację wspólnoty. Dla porządku politycznego nowożytnej Europy, takie skomplikowane struktury polityczno-terytorialny był częstym zjawiskiem, charakterystyczne w szczególności dla ówczesnych Niemiec. Księstwa magnatów Rzeczypospolitej miał więc status podobny funkcjonujących w tym samym czasie księstw niemieckich. W przeciwieństwie jednak do tych ostatnich, z chwila upadku dawnego porządku politycznego, nawet najbardziej potężne i wyróżniające się swym statusem (księstwa, ordynacje) państwa magnackie, nie zostały nigdy na forum międzynarodowym uznane za odrębne państwa. Okoliczności te nie negują jednak polityczno-prawnego statusu księstw Rzeczpospolitej jako terytoriów o charakterze państwowym (publiczno-prawnym) w ramach przednowoczesnego porządku politycznego. Stan ten potwierdzały związki rodzinne polsko-litewskich książąt z rodami zagranicznych książąt panujących, utrzymywane do końca istnienia Rzeczypospolitej.
EN
The complexity of the political structure of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was amplified by the territories of the duchies. Along with the other subjects (smaller magnates’ lordships, territories of the large royal cities, church possessions, etc.), they strengthened the administrative-territorial decentralisation of the Commonwealth. In the political order for early modern Europe such a complex political-territorial structure was a frequent phenomenon, characteristic, in particular, for the early modern Germany. The duchies of the magnates of the Commonwealth had, therefore, the political and legal status similar to that of the German duchies, existing at the same time. Contrary, though, to the German duchies, the magnate states in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, even the most powerful ones and the most pronounced as to their rank (like duchies and entails) did never acquire the formalisation (recognition) of their separate status on the modern international forum. With this respect, similarly as the entire territory of the Commonwealth, they belonged to the pre-modern order. This, however, does not negate the political and legal status of the magnate duchies in the framework of the pre-modern political system. This status was confirmed by the family ties of the Polish-Lithuanian dukes with the foreign ducal ruling families, maintained until the collapse of Commonwealth (1795).
18
63%
PL
Katolicki ksiądz Jean Le Laboureur towarzyszył jako sekretarz Renee du Bec-Crespin, wdowie po marszałku de Guebriant, w podróży do granicy hiszpańskiej, gdzie negocjowano pokój pirenejski. We wrześniu 1659 r. Renee du Bec-Crespin niespodziewanie zmarła w Perigueux, ale podróż kontynuowano. Na czele wyprawy stanęła młoda żona markiza Vardes, kapitana towarzyszącego wyprawie królewskiego regimentu Cent Suisses. Wśród wielu komentarzy na temat prowincji, przez które powoli przejeżdżali podróżni, w rękopisie odnotowano uwagi na temat starożytnych zabytków (Bordeaux, Nimes), sławnych miejsc pielgrzymkowych (Sainte-Baume) oraz niezwykłych zamków i parków (Cadillac). Jako katolik autor był wstrząśnięty ogromnymi zniszczeniami kościołów i klasztorów spowodowanymi w trakcie niedawnych wojen religijnych przez „heretyków” (jak określał protestantów). Niepokoiła go również żywotność licznych i potężnych społeczności protestanckich, szczególnie na południowym zachodzie i południowym wschodzie królestwa.
EN
Jean Le Laboureur, a Catholic priest, accompanies Renee du Bec-Crespin, the widow of Marshal de Guebriant, as her secretary on a journey towards the Spanish border where the Treaty of the Pyrenees is being negotiated. She dies unexpectedly in Perigueux in September 1659, but the journey goes on, now headed by the young wife of the Marquis of Vardes, captain of the Royal Regiment of the Cent Suisses, who follows the court. Among the many comments about the provinces through which the travellers slowly proceed, the manuscript contains remarks about antique monuments (Bordeaux, Nimes), famous pilgrimage destinations (Sainte-Baume) as well as remarkable castles and parks (Cadillac). As a Catholic the author is shocked by the huge destruction of churches and monasteries caused, during the recent religious wars, by the “heretics” as he refers to the Protestants. He is also concerned by the vitality of the Protestant communities, which remain numerous and powerful, especially in the south-west and south-east of the kingdom.
EN
Aristocratism and nobility were foreign elements in Slovakia. Unlike Moravia and Bohemia the nobles in Slovakia were of non-Slovakian origin and they either professed cosmopolitan principles, with the language constituting no identityforming factor, or they belonged to the German or – primarily – Hungarian ethnicity. The disintegration of Hungary and the creation of Czechoslovakia was a shock to the members of nobility from which they actually did not recover. They either joined the irredentist movement, or emigrated, mostly to Hungary, where aristocratism constituted a natural part of social life. Both groups followed a common goal as irredentism was the most promising way to get back their unsafe or lost property in Slovakia´s territory. All members of the Csáky family followed in the study closed their life story abroad. Confrontation with the totalitarian regime, mainly the Communist one, not only bereaved them of their property, but they were criminalized and plunged into permanent poverty. Their human dignity was often trampled, but they did not give up the values that their family had defended for centuries. The Csákys have remained engraved in historical mem
EN
This article looks at the life and personality of Emanuel Josef, the fourth Prince of Collalto e San Salvatore, a prince whose great-niece called him the last man of the old regime in Austria due to his impractical and odd character. The study looks only at the three most significant periods of his life: 1) his birth and childhood, 2) his morganatic marriage and its consequences, and 3) his family and financial situation at the time of his death. It relies on preserved archived materials and the contemporary press to do so. The objective is to acquire a closer look at the somewhat contradictory head of the Collalto family in the second half of the 19th century and early 20th century.
first rewind previous Page / 2 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.