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EN
In this article I verify the thesis that changes in integration processes carried out during the crisis of the euro zone proceed in three main directions. Firstly, towards the strengthening of intergovernmentalism and political power of the largest Member States. Secondly, towards the increase in formal and informal competences of the EU technocratic institutions, including the European Commission and the ECB. Both institutions have yielded to political pressure from powerful governments. This led to a reduction in autonomy of these institutions and their stronger subordination to the most influential Member States. Thirdly, the crisis has provided an opportunity to reinforce the segmentation in Europe. Although it is not known whether these modifications are temporary or have a more lasting nature — they could nevertheless influence the future of the EU.
EN
The purpose of the article is to assess the extent to which it has been possible to overcome the crisis situation in the economic and political/systemic dimension in Europe. The events of the crisis in the Eurozone mobilised the national and European elites to respond above all with respect to the economic situation. But in part, the changes concerned also the political dimension or precipitated consequences of a systemic character (related to the mechanisms of European integration). Some ideas were only discussed and did not gain practical implementation due to differing opinions and interests among the leading political actors, above all the EU member states. As a result, the crisis was overcome to a partial or incomplete extent both in the economic and political respect.
EN
The goal of this article is to answer the question if the European Union may, in the coming years, see reforms towards a democratic federation. At the beginning there is a scientific discussion about the traits of a federation in comparison with a confederation, as well as a technocratic (executive) federation to a lesser degree. What follows is a diagnosis of the current system of the European Union, which can be considered a hybrid in that it contains the traits of different systems. Next, the role of the main federal institution of the EU, that is the European Parliament, is assessed together with recent proposals for further reforms towards the federation. In the conclusions a projection of the key changes in the EU is presented, with a focus on evaluating the probability of a rise of a democratic federation.
EN
The purpose of the article is to assess the extent to which it has been possible to overcome the crisis situation in the economic and political/systemic dimension in Europe. The events of the crisis in the Eurozone mobilised the national and European elites to respond above all with respect to the economic situation. But in part, the changes concerned also the political dimension or precipitated consequences of a systemic character (related to the mechanisms of European integration). Some ideas were only discussed and did not gain practical implementation due to differing opinions and interests among the leading political actors, above all the EU member states. As a result, the crisis was overcome to a partial or incomplete extent both in the economic and political respect.
PL
Działania mające przezwyciężyć kryzys w strefie euro wzmacniały przede wszystkim dotychczasowy reżim paktu stabilności i wzrostu, a więc były nakierowane na politykę oszczędności (austerity). Niektóre instytucje nieodzowne dla przełamania różnic makroekonomicznych lub poprawy konkurencyjności gospodarek peryferyjnych nie zostały w ogóle wprowadzone. Inne instytucje wprowadzono tylko częściowo (tak było w przypadku unii bankowej). Obrana taktyka antykryzysowa powodowała, że trudności gospodarcze zostały przeciągnięte w czasie i stawały się coraz bardziej bolesne dla niektórych społeczeństw. Do 2015 roku kryzys nie został więc w pełni pokonany, ani na płaszczyźnie ekonomicznej, ani w odniesieniu do instytucji politycznych mających gwarantować sprawne funkcjonowanie strefy euro w przyszłości.
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