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EN
The article offers a critical insight into conceptions and ideas guiding the process of reforming a Polish world of science, which was initiated in 2010. It concentrates not as much on a process understood as an institutional change, as on hopes and expectations underpinning the reforms, framing its inner logic. The article points to the decisive role of the influence which a dogmatist approach – rooted in a neoliberal doctrine imposing a narrow understanding of a social harmony asresulting from a successful operation of free market machinery – had on a whole undertaking, giving the reform its sense and meaning. It also brings to focus a conflict between an academic tradition exposing the symbolism of truth and the neoliberal system of values promoting notions of productivity and efficiency.
EN
This article addresses the issue of authority and explains its significance for a contemporary school, university and workplace. It briefly presents the theoretical aspects of authority together with their determinants. The problem of authority crisis has been addressed, as well as the role played by authority in the past and nowadays has been presented, in the context of the education and workplace of the people surveyed. The survey was conducted on professionally active students and was aimed at presenting the modern perception and position of authority in young employees’ hierarchy of values, drawing attention to the connection between authority and power, and also showing the basis for building the authority of a teacher and an employer in the view of the people surveyed.
PL
W niniejszym artykule poruszono problematykę autorytetu oraz wyjaśniano jego znaczenie we współczesnej szkole, na uczelni i w miejscu pracy. Pokrótce zostały przedstawione teoretyczne aspekty autorytetu wraz z ich determinantami. Poruszony został problem kryzysu autorytetu, a także ukazana została rola, jaką odgrywał on kiedyś i jaką odgrywa obecnie w kontekście edukacji i miejsca pracy osób badanych. Badania ankietowe przeprowadzone wśród aktywnych zawodowo studentów miały na celu ukazanie współczesnego rozumienia i umiejscowienia autorytetu w systemie wartości młodych pracowników, wskazanie związku autorytetu z władzą, a także ukazanie podstaw budowania autorytetu nauczyciela i pracodawcy w opinii badanych osób.
EN
The article shows the influence of ethno-social problems on the Ukrainian-Polish relations in Right-Bank Ukraine. Author in the debate with researchers of the issued problem proves that at the late 18th and early 19th centuries Polish-Ukrainian relations weren’t of antagonistic character neither in the ethno-social nor in the ethno-political sphere. The author doesn’t idealize relations between Ukrainian peasants and Polish landowners, but argues that the nobility understood sense of human dignity and needed the support of the local inhabitants, especially after the defeat of the rebellion in 1830-1831. Peasants realized that their socialeconomic situation wouldn’t change: Russian landowners would come instead of Polish landowners. Therefore, there appeared political organizations aimed at complete emancipation of the peasants, transferring the lands to the property of peasants without compensation and the complete political equality irrespective of the social origin, religion and nationality.
EN
In Ukraine the subject under analysis has been studied not enough. Some aspects of this issue have been researched by V. Gorbatenko, O. Kostenko, I. Kresina, O. Merezhko, N. Onishchenko, M. Teplyuk, Y. Shemshuchenko, O. Yushchyk. Polish scientists, such as T. Biernat, E. Kustra, R. Piotrovski, V. Staskevich, P. Vinchorek, S. Vronkovska, E. Vrublevsky have analyzed different models of law creation. It has been described two making law concepts: rational and developmental. The first concept determines law as a tool of the political authority for realization their aims. The authority always supposes, that it understands society needs better. This concept is grounded on belief that the social life can be regulated by consciousness and rational thought. According to the developmental concept the interaction between politics and law are multilevel and ambiguous. The making law process depends on activity of members of parliament and also legal possibilities of other people to influence on this process. Nowadays experts, lawyers, politicians are writing about poor quality of law. In Ukrainian and Polish scientific thought has appeared such notion as “inflation of law”. It means the negative phenomenon in the legislative process: the process of law creation that does not correspond to the real society needs. The norms of law, which regulate one object of social relation, are contradictory; responsibility for non-fulfillment of some functions is not defined; there is an ambiguous formulation of notions in law. Besides, some politicians and lawyers consider that enacting normative legal acts can immediately solve all problems. This process is called „instrumentalization of law”. The politicians and lawyers overlook customs, moral norms, traditions and agreements. Both processes – “inflation of law” and „instrumentalization of law” take place in Ukraine and Poland. Personal and professional competencies of individuals by whom the state policy and law are formed may be defined as the most important for Ukrainian and Polish societies. The factors which influence on their professional qualities are studied in this article. The way of getting power, the term in office and the ability to determine strategy of a state are analyzed in both countries. The law can be effective, if society is involved into discussion.
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EN
A basic question being addressed in the article concerns a peculiar moment when obligation enters into arena of the political. And thus, it becomes political obligations that adumbrates a new ideational dimension. An interesting cluster of ideas is located In the dimension. Ideas referring to political obligation we can find in Plato’s Crito. Origins of reflection upon the political obligation are laid down by Socrates in his last days before drinking hemlock. He poses several perennial questions that are of foundational nature. Laws organizing the political community, that since then we know as a ‘patria’, do not arrogate certain strictures. They rather corroborate citizens’ obedience. And whereby authority stems from them. Assuming the modern perspective the political obligation brings about otus that legitimizes civil disobedience. But ‘via antiqua’ presumes that it brings the order into human behavior and into community. And as such it is essential to the politics. Thus, legitimacy, authority, laws, justice, state delineate boundaries of the domain called the political where obligation constitutes the salient place.
PL
Artykuł jest refleksją o poszukiwaniu autorytetu w wychowaniu. Autorka szuka odpowiedzi na pytania: Czy autorytet stracił na znaczeniu? Czym jest on w istocie? W budowaniu autorytetu istotną rolę odgrywa proces wychowania, zwłaszcza wychowanie moralne. W tym procesie istotną funkcję spełniają rodzina i szkoła – rodzice, nauczyciele, wychowawcy, którzy inspirują młodego człowieka w kierunku wyzwalania własnej aktywności, czemu sprzyja wzorowanie się na wartościowych autorytetach. W tekście przytoczone są wyniki badań własnych, których celem było poszukiwanie odpowiedzi na pytania: Czy badani w dzieciństwie poszukiwali autorytetów? Czy rodzice i nauczyciele byli dla nich autorytetem?
EN
The article is a reflection on the search for authority in education. In the article we look for the answers to the following questions: Does the authority lost its importance? What is it in fact? In the building of the authority – education process plays a significant role, especially moral education. Here an important role is played by the family and school – teachers, parents, educators – they do inspire young men to release their activity, where they could imitate the valuable authorities. In this article I have quoted the results of my research aimed at the search for answers to the question: Did the respondents in their childhood look for the authorities? Did they have the authorities in their parents and teachers?
PL
Cyceron nierzadko obecnie uważany jest za eklektyka, raczej popularyzatora, niż samodzielnego myśliciela. Tymczasem przez wiele wieków był on nauczycielem humanizmu w Europie i zasługuje na większe poważanie. Recepcja pism Cycerona była bardzo rozległa i choć zmieniała się jego ranga w filozofii polityki, to oddziaływał on na koncepcje i kluczowe rozwiązania wielu późniejszych myślicieli, od Machiavellego i Hobbesa po Burke'a, Hume'a, Kanta czy Hegla. Bywa, iż rozumienie wolności przez przedstawicieli tradycji rzymskiej traktowane jest jako nie mające większego znaczenia. Niesłusznie, gdyż łacińskie słowo libertas (wraz z innymi terminami z nim powiązanymi) wnosiło do myśli Zachodu trwałe treści. Nawet jeżeli można mówić o pewnych ograniczeniach wyobraźni moralnej Cycerona, takich jak tolerowanie instytucji niewolnictwa, to nie podważa to faktu, iż jest on czołowym reprezentantem wolnościowej myśli republikańskiej, zachowującej znaczenie także i obecnie.
EN
Cicero is nowadays often considered to be eclectic, rather popularizer than an independent thinker. Meanwhile, for many centuries he was the teacher of humanism in Europe and as such deserves greater esteem. Reception of writings of Cicero was very extensive, and even though its rank changed in political philosophy, it affected the concepts and key solutions of many later thinkers from Machiavelli and Hobbes, to Burke, Hume, Kant and Hegel. Sometimes the understanding of freedom by representatives of the Roman tradition is treated as having no significance. Wrongly, because the Latin word libertas (along with other terms associated with it) brought a lasting content into Western thought. Even though you could speak of some limitations of Cicero’s moral imagination, such as tolerating the institution of slavery, this does not undermine the fact that Cicero is a leading representative of Republican libertarian thought, that retains its significance even now.
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