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2020
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vol. 22
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issue 4
411-424
EN
This article analyzes the relations between the Holy See and the Bolivian State based on the bilateral agreements signed between both parties. It also aims to mark the historical context of international treaties and their consequences for history, for bilateral relations and for today. It also investigates the new Bolivian state constitution of 2009 if it offers the faithful basic religious liberties to practice and manifest their faith publicly. It also shows us how we can use the basic human rights, subscribed in the international bilateral agreements, recognized by the state, to protect and preserve our rights to express and protect our faith.
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2016
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vol. 18
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issue 1
33-52
EN
The German problem dominated among the priorities of the Polish diplomacy after 1960. The stalemate was broken by the visit of the Prime Minister Józef Cyrankiewicz in Vienna in September 1965. Józef Cyrankiewicz’s visit in Austria highlighted new possibilities in Austrian-Polish relations. The old policy of Minister Adam Rapacki had been conceived in a difficult period and had no impact on the international environment. The article aims to characterises of the conditions for developing Polish-Austrian relations in the late 60s. The articles poses several questions: how far policy towards Germany stimulated relations with Austria and how Polish authorities saw the possibilities of economic cooperation with Vienna and finally how they prepared for this cooperation. The difficult economic situation in Poland required resuming cooperation with the West. The meeting in Vienna developed further bilateral relations in a very positive way. The Minister Bruno Kreisky recognized in the Polish government both a partner and a neighbour to cooperate. Cyrankiewicz’s visit launched the ratification processes of many bilateral agreements which developed trade in the Eastern Europe.
EN
The paper deals with a process defined as the internationalization of competition policy. The process was initiated by the Havana Charter in 1948 and gained momentum in the late 1980. The Havana Charter was the charter of the defunct International Trade Organization (ITO). It was signed by 53 countries on March 24, 1948 to facilitate international cooperation and allow for rules against anti-competitive business practices. The charter ultimately failed because the U.S. Congress rejected it. Elements of it would later become part of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Despite the growing role of international trade, no multilateral agreement has been adopted since the Havana Charter to regulate competition policy issues, the authors say. Such an agreement is needed to reduce the number of trade disputes and promote international cooperation. The article aims to show the impact of regional integration and bilateral agreements between the European Union and the United States on the internationalization of competition policy. Another objective is to show the impact of international cooperation on multilateral competition policy and on difficulties in reaching a compromise in this area among World Trade Organization members. Finally, the paper sets out to examine factors that justify the need to include competition policy in the multilateral trading system. According to the authors, the high degree of domestic and regional market integration, coupled with the gradual liberalization of multilateral trade and the large number of trade conflicts, call for the introduction of viable multilateral competition rules.
EN
The article reveals the issues of modern bilateral legal regulation of labor migration between Ukraine and EU member states. Bilateral cooperation can be considered the most effective, because it takes into account the actual problems between the participants and is focused on specific subjects. The existing agreements are analyzed, their common and distinctive features are singled out, and the advantages and disadvantages of such agreements are revealed. The author substantiates the conclusion in the article that the Association Agreement does not grant Ukrainian citizens the right to free employment on the territory of EU member states and to free movement within the EU for this purpose. Nothing in the Association Agreement can be interpreted as such that acts as a basis for free employment of Ukrainian citizens. The author has analyzed the agreements that are currently in force with the member states of the European Union, and based on this analysis, he derived the author’s classification, which divides the agreements according to their key characteristics. According to the criterion, author distinguished four types of agreements: cooperation agreements (Belgium); migration flow management agreements (Spain); agreements on mutual employment of citizens and labor activity (Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Czech Republic); temporary migration agreements (Portugal). The shortcomings of the relevant agreements and ways to improve the future content of such agreements have been identified. The author established interrelation between the agreements concluded in the same period and also allocated the questions which should be fixed in the future bilateral agreements. The article argues that international treaties governing the protection of the rights of migrant workers and employment regulate the basic procedural issues of employment of foreigners in their territory, the requirements for them, as well as the rights he is granted if such requirements are met. The author also identifi es ways to develop bilateral cooperation between Ukraine and EU member states, paying special attention to the following areas: development of the international legal framework with the member states of the Union; institutional cooperation; implementation of international and European norms and standards.
EN
In this research work, the author focuses on the analysis of the liberalisation of foreign trade policy of emerging China in the world economy. What indicates the importance and innovativeness of the research is the presentation of the technical progress in P.R.China and the benefits resulting from the liberalised Chinese foreign trade policy. In accordance with the foreign trade policy theory further trade liberalisation and improved framework policies would increase trade and promote growth. It must be emphasized that openess to trade is associated with higher incomes and growth and there is a need for new approaches to trade cooperation in the light of the forces that are currently re-shaping international business. The key of trade developments within the broader socio-economic context is especially the rise of global supply chains, the general shift of trade power away from the West towards Asia. The main aim of the article is the presentation the liberalisation of foreign trade policy of emerging China in the world economy.
EN
The main goal of the study is to discuss regulatory protectionism that distorts and restricts contemporary international trade. Therefore, it is important to harmonizetrade standards and recognize them internationally, especially with respect to technical barriers. In the 21st century, bilateral agreements are becoming increasingly important. They already account for over 70% of liberalized trade. The role of the G20 group has clearly increased. Both the WTO and G20 should jointly undertake and coordinate efforts to develop the principles that would promote not only international trade of developed countries but also increase access of developing countries to the global market. The promotion of global trade rules will increase the legitimacy of the G20 group and the reformed global trade system whereas its modified management within the WTO framework, which will take into account the specific interests of individual countries, may contribute to further dynamic development.
PL
Celem głównym opracowania jest przedstawienie protekcjonizmu regulacyjnego zniekształcającego i ograniczającego współczesny handel międzynarodowy. Ważna jest zatem harmonizacja i wzajemne uznawanie norm szczególnie w zakresie barier technicznych i XXI wieku coraz większego znaczenia nabierają porozumienia bilateralne. Obejmują one już ponad 70% handlu zliberalizowanego. Wyraźnie zwiększyła się rola grupy G20. Zarówno WTO, jak i grupa G20 powinny wspólnie podejmować i koordynować wysiłki na rzecz zasad promujących nie tylko handel międzynarodowy państw wysoko rozwiniętych, ale rozszerzających również dostęp do rynku światowego państw rozwijających się. Poprzez wspieranie zasad handlowych w systemie globalnym wzmacniać się będzie legitymizacja funkcjonowania grupy G20, a zreformowany system światowej wymiany handlowej i zmodyfikowane zarządzanie tym systemem w ramach WTO z uwzględnieniem specyficznych interesów poszczególnych państw może przyczyniać się do dalszego dynamicznego rozwoju.
PL
Stosunki między Szwajcariąa Unią Europejską mogą być postrzegane jako interesujące, a jednocześnie jako bezprecedensowy przykład nowej, elastycznej integracji. Mimo ponad dekady owocnej współpracy, wiele jej aspektów pozostaje kontrowersyjnymi. Problem autonomicznej adaptacji, braku możliwości wpływania na procesy decyzyjne na terytorium Wspólnot, otwarcia rynku pracy dla obywateli nowych państw członkowskich UE lub inne problemy związane z instytucjonalnym wymiarem realizacji umów. To tylko część problemów, które mogą być wymienione w tym kontekście. Można więc postawić zasadnicze pytanie: co będzie dalej? Czy ten bezprecedensowy przykład nowej formy integracji osiągnął już swoje granice? Jakie mogą być perspektywy przyszłej współpracy? Celem niniejszego artykułu jest próba znalezienia odpowiedzi na powyższe pytania. W rozważaniach uwzględniono kilka scenariuszy, będących wynikiem analizy aktualnych warunków i doświadczeń, jak również na oceny bieżącej strategii politycznej szwajcarskiego rządu. Mowa o: kontynuacji stosunków dwustronnych, przystąpieniu do Unii Europejskiej lub zawarciu umowy ramowej czy też stowarzyszenia. Scenariusze te są analizowane w celu znalezienia odpowiedzi na pytanie o najbardziej prawdopodobny przebieg przyszłych stosunków między Unią Europejską a Szwajcarią.
EN
Relations between Switzerland and the European Union might be perceived as interesting, and at the same time an unprecedented example of the new, flexible integration. Despite more than a decade of fruitful cooperation, many of its aspects remains controversial. The problem of autonomous adaptation, lack of ability to influence decision-making processes within the Community, the opening of the labor market for new EU member states or other institutional aspects of the implementation of the agreements. These are just a part of the problems, which could be mentioned here. So the basie ąuestion remains - what will happen next? Has this an unprecedented example of a new form of integration reached its limits? What could be the prospects for the futurę cooperation? This article attempts to fmd answers to these ąuestions. Several scenarios are taking under consideration, based on an analysis of current conditions and experiences, as well as on evaluation of the current political strategy of the govemment. That is: continuation of the bilateral relations, the accession to the European Union or the conclusion of a framework or association agreement. Those scenarios are being analysed in order to find the most probably solution for the futurę relations between European Union and Switzerland.
EN
The article analyzes the ways of adoption of the acquis communautaire by non-member states. In case of Switzerland, it is a polymorphic phenomenon achieved through international agreements as well as domestic legislation. In the agreements the following characteristics may be combined in various ways: the degree of integration provided for in the agreement (integration, cooperation or liberalization agreements are distinguished), the dynamic or static adoption of the acquis, the principle of direct applicability of EU law or the equivalence of legislations, the scope of the reference made (or lack thereof) to the case law of the Court of Justice. The Europeanization in Switzerland is partial and mostly static, which results in incompatibility between the constantly developing EU law and the rules applicable in EU’s relations. Switzerland does not participate in the internal market and relies on the classical intergovernmental cooperation, without establishing any supranational bodies.
FR
Cet article a pour objectif d’examiner la reprise de l’acquis communautaire par les non-membres de l’UE. En Suisse, c’est un phénomène polymorphe se passant par l’intermédiaire des accords internationaux ainsi que la législation nationale. Dans les accords, les caractéristiques suivantes peuvent varier : le degré d’intégration (intégration, coopération ou libéralisation), la reprise dynamique ou statique de l’acquis, le principe de l’application directe ou de l’équivalence des législations, l’étendue de la prise en compte de la jurisprudence de la CJUE. L’européanisation en Suisse n’est que partielle et statique, en ce qui résulte l’incompatibilité entre le droit de l’UE et le droit applicable en Suisse. La Suisse ne participe pas au marché commun et s’appuie sur la coopération intergouvernementale, sans établir un cadre institutionnel supranational.
EN
The aim of this paper is to demonstrate the most frequent errors and mistakes in official international documents. The analysis is based on a collection of agreements between the Republic of Poland and Russian Federation. Errors and mistakes in diplomatic agreements are not acceptable, however, some examples of these are presented in the analysed corpora. The underlying causes of errors are mostly of non-linguistic character – they are mainly psychological or physiological. A large number of errors may indicate low-level language skills or translator’s lack of knowledge about text editing rules. Omissions, excessive information, different kinds of errors in the titles of international agreements, inconsistent terms used within the same document or misspellings can be found in this corpora. A part of errors occurs in high-frequent words or collocations. It is suggested that these language problems are worth taking into consideration when planning vocational training courses or constructing syllabi and didactic materials. The importance of critical approach to lexicographic sources and own language skills has also been highlighted.
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest wskazanie najczęstszych błędów w umowach  międzynarodowych. Podstawę materiałową stanowią umowy podpisane pomiędzy Rzeczypospolitą Polską a Federacją Rosyjską. Choć w umowach międzypaństwowych błędy i pomyłki są niedopuszczalne, to występują w analizowanym materiale. Przyczyny powstawania błędów są przeważnie pozajęzykowe – psychologiczne lub fizjologiczne. Jednak czasem duża liczba błędów może świadczyć o niedostatecznej znajomości języka, braku umiejętności redagowania tekstów. W analizowanych tekstach zdarzają się pominięcia fragmentów lub nadmiar informacji, różnego typu błędy w nazwach umów międzynarodowych, niekonsekwentne użycie terminów w obrębie tego samego dokumentu, błędy ortograficzne. Część błędów występuje w wyrazach lub połączeniach wyrazowych o frekwencji względnie wysokiej. Wyodrębnione problemy językowe warto uwzględnić w kursach doskonalenia zawodowego, przy opracowywaniu programów oraz doborze materiałów dydaktycznych. Ponadto ważne jest krytyczne podejście do źródeł leksykograficznych i do własnych kompetencji.
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