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EN
This communication tries to shape and to ground the idea that Rural Studies and Rural Sociology have a particularly promising job to do in re-assembling the Social, the Natural and the Technical within the treadmill of sustainable development. It is argued that the cross-fertilization of the ecological modernization movement and Social Studies of Science and Technology (particularly Actor- Network-Theory) is giving the opportunity to establish a perspective that might enlighten and accompany the processes of making agricultural sciences and technology more ecological. But this requires specific conditions and ways of doing social studies in situations that include those processes.
EN
Aristotelian distinction dzoē and bios is very often present in reflections on a condition of contemporary liberal-democratic Western societies. Some authors suggest that processes in modern or even postmodern societies lead to new conceptions of power and combine new conceptions of law. Thanks to this in biopolitical reflections, above all in Foucault’s and Agamben’s writings, we could see liberal democracy as a concentration camp, without individual freedom, but with strictly controlled human bodies. Article presents some aspects of this dramatic visions.
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The main theme of this essay is f i n i t e l i f e, which is the bedrock of modern biopolitics. In the series of lectures devoted to the ‘birth of biopolitics,’ Michel Foucault defines it as a new system of ‘governing the living’ based on the natural cycle of birth and death, and the law of genesis kai phtora, ‘becoming and perishing.’ Foucault’s answer to modern biopolitics is to accept its basic premise – that life is finite, and, consequently, reduced to the natural law of birth and death – and then slightly correct the naive liberal trust in the ‘naturalness’ of human existence by appropriating and internalizing the true essence of the biopolitical paradigm: the disciplining practices. This essay contests Foucault’s minimalist Neostoic program of the ‘care of the self’ by demonstrating that we can still hope for a n o t h e r f i n i t u d e that refrains from any renaturalization of human existence.
EN
The article speaks to the deconstruction of men’s images in William Wyler’s films. One may observe a different paradigm of what is male in the said director’s pacifist trilogy. The alternative masculinity utopias constructed therein are quite awe-inducing due to their emancipatory scope. Friendly Persuasion (1956), The Big Country, and Ben-Hur (1959) are films depicting not only the fight against patriarchal stereotype, but also reaching beyond the restrictions of heteronormativity. The libidal coordinates of the narratives are in sync with biopolitical status of modernity. Surprisingly enough, at the heart of Hollywood some brave cinematic post-masculine projects were developed.
Pamiętnik Literacki
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2019
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vol. 110
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issue 2
219-225
PL
Autor recenzji omawia książkę "Masculinities and Literary Studies. Intersections and New Directions", poświęconą związkom między krytycznymi studiami nad mężczyznami i męskością a literaturoznawstwem. Rekonstruuje pozycję „badań męskościowych” na przecięciu nauk społecznych i humanistycznych. Na podstawie najbardziej aktualnych publikacji zwraca uwagę na zjawiska kryzysowe w ich obrębie, a także na możliwości rozwoju. Omawiany tom wpisuje się w pejzaż teoretyczny i wskazuje nowe obszary dociekań w ramach literaturoznawstwa i badań męskości.
EN
The reviewer discusses the book entitled "Masculinities and Literary Studies. Intersections and New Directions" devoted to the connections between the critical studies in males, masculinity and literary studies. He reconstructs the position of masculinity research at the crossroads of social sciences and the humanities. As based on the latest publications, he points at the crises found within their scope and at the developmental potential. The volume in question finds its place in a theoretical base and points at new spheres of investigations within the framework of literary studies and research in masculinity.
EN
The article aims to present and to problematize the political philosophy of a representative of the reviving Italian thought – Roberto Esposito. The most fundamental question is his original understanding of the concept of the community. Its meaning, which is derived from Latin communitas, bases on a particular combination of gift, office and obligation. Such an understanding of the term is radically opposed to the all conceptualisations of the social contract: the community is rather a deprivation and a suppression of what is individual than a rationally chosen and additionally possessed form of one’s own existence. As a counterweight to the risk of the common, the logic of immunization (exception to the gift‑giving obligation) is portrayed. Last two parts focus on the issue of biopolitics. Using the reflections of Foucault, Derrida, Agamben, Deleuze & Guattari, Negri & Hardt as a theoretical background, the stance of Esposito is derived: his interpretations of both Nazism (thanatopolitics) and natalism are confronted. Thus, the possibility of the community positively immunized could be sketched.
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EN
In the summer of 2016, black, disabled, and gay 14-year-old Jerika Bolen announced her decision to die. The public conversation surrounding Bolen’s decision, launched through a series of newspaper articles announcing a ‘last dance’ prom, offers a case-study through which to explore how pain frustrates an analysis of the biopolitical formations that shape both right-to-die discussions and decisions. In doing so, this article offers two interventions. It reveals how dominant views of pain and disability shape and limit how we make sense of Jerika’s life and death. It also highlights the analytical leverage that this critical approach offers by reading Bolen’s death as a form of what critical theorist Lauren Berlant calls ‘slow death’ or the gradual wearing out of populations. In this way, I extend conversations within critical theory that seek to trace the slower and more sustained impacts of structural oppression. In looking at the convergence of the biopolitics and necropolitics of disability, race, class, gender, and sexuality, I suggest Bolen’s death and the ‘last dance’ that launched an international public conversation about it function as a celebration of slow death facilitated, in part, by dominant views of pain and disability.
EN
Queer immanence in Who is? Woyzeck: The technocentric utopia of the master and the slaveMontažstroj’s Who is? Woyzeck is a performative history about individuals’ open wounds that will probably never heal, especially in the context of technodemocracy and liberal deprivation processes. Woyzeck is a Georg Büchner hero whose voice is not able to be heard. He is deprived, deprivileged, and his behavior/labor is socially unacceptable. He is devoid of humanity, turned into an animal, pure zoe, and thus treated like one by the system. Montažstroj’s project was, therefore, eager to explore the politics of power where the individual is subdued to numerous forms of violence and the way these violent acts resonate on the surface of human intimacy. The rhythmic changing of scenes depicted social coercion and private agony; the play questioned the world of isolated and lonely individuals. Woyzeck was presented as a pure phenomenon, as an individual trapped in a Hegelian master-slave relation, thus as a non-person whose body is being occupied and used in a specific situation of violence, love, betrayal, jealousy and murder, with no way out. The performance of two men and a woman on a stage, which is supposed to function as a specific community of life, bombarded with techno and rave music, together with pure channels of associations derived from various sources, primarily from Büchner's text, which was written in 1836, is thus analyzed as a deconstructive and multi-layered re-inscription of political and discursive regimes subdued by frenetic music samples. Immanencja queer w Who is? Woyzeck. Technocentryczna utopia „pana i niewolnika”Who is? Woyzeck autorstwa grupy Montažstroj to performatywna opowieść o otwartych ranach jednostek, które prawdopodobnie nigdy się nie zagoją, szczególnie ze względu na procesy technodemokracji i liberalnej deprywacji. Woyzeck, którego głos jest niesłyszalny, to bohater dramatu Georga Büchnera – jest ograbiony, odarty z praw, a jego zachowanie/praca są społecznie nieakceptowane. Woyzeck jest pozbawiony cech ludzkich, zamieniony w zwierzę, czyste zoe, a co za tym idzie jest traktowany przez system jak zwierzę. Celem omawianego projektu grupy Montažstroj było zbadanie polityki władzy, w której jednostka jest poddana licznym formom przemocy, a także sposobów, w jakie te akty przemocy rezonują na powierzchni ludzkiej intymności. Rytmiczna zmiana scen ilustruje społeczny przymus i prywatną agonię, sztuka bada świat zamieszkany przez wyizolowane i samotne jednostki. Woyzeck został zaprezentowany jako czyste zjawisko, jednostka uwięziona w Heglowskiej relacji „pana i niewolnika”, a więc jako nie-osoba, której ciało jest zawłaszczane i używane w konkretnej sytuacji przemocy, miłości, zdrady, zazdrości i morderstwa, bez możliwości ucieczki. Performans dwóch mężczyzn i kobiety na scenie, który ma prezentować specyficzną wspólnotę życia, bombardowany muzyką techno i rave, wzbogacony czystymi strumieniami skojarzeń wywodzącymi się z różnych źródeł (przede wszystkim z napisanego w 1936 roku tekstu Georga Büchnera), jest analizowany jako dekonstrukcyjna i wielowarstwowa re-inskrypcja politycznych i dyskursywnych reżimów podporządkowanych frenetycznym próbkom muzycznym.
EN
Introductory remarks to Ethics in Progress Special Issue, Vol. 7(2016)No. 1.
PL
The article is devoted to biopolitics and forms of biopower in the post-apocalyptic worlds created in the texts of popular culture. The author’s theses are based on the analysis of 147 novels and short stories, as well as 246 films and series. The study describes the types of threats to the communities of survivors, strategies for dealing with them and their impact on the post-apocalyptic form of socialization. Although the analysis is not limited to the nuclear apocalypse, it pays special attention to radioactivity as a “magic factor” used in popular works. The author answers the question about what these thought experiments tell us about collective consciousness and “subconscious” of the late modern risk societies.
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EN
The author offers a critical judgment of Lacanian psychoanalysis, pointing out its normativizing aspect. He acknowledges the impossibility of reconciliation of psychoanalytic thought with the theory of radical difference, the example of which is queer, which has been postulated by such scholars as Judith Butler, Lee Edelman or Leo Bersani. As Eribon claims, queer theory constitutes a continuation of (antipsychoanalytic) philosophy of Michel Foucault, and it would be theoretically much more inspiring – Eribon further argues – to try to juxtapose Foucault’s thought with Sartre rather than with Freud or Lacan.
EN
Scholars analyzing contemporary technologies of freezing have recently argued that “cryopolitics” represents an important extension of the classical concept of biopolitics as it operates by the principle to “make live and not let die” (Friedrich 2017; Radin and Kowal 2017). It extends temporal horizons by suspending metabolic processes and establishing a “state of a potentially reversible death” (Neumann 2006). This article advances this theoretical proposition further by exploring the dimensions of a “politics of suspension” in the light of the climate crisis. It discusses the infrastructural role of cryopreservation and cryobanking technologies in addressing biodiversity loss and the vital challenges of the Anthropocene. These technologies promise to keep future options open by reversing past extinctions in order to address the existential threats of the present. Following this imagination, de-extinction scientists and biologists dream of restoring ancient ecosystems and resurrecting extinct species as a way of responding to the climate crisis. However, this politics of suspension might also contribute to tendencies to preserve the status quo by putting on hold the political and social transformations needed to effectively respond to the climate crisis.
PL
This article seeks to investigate the problem of modernity in post-war communist Poland (People’s Republic of Poland, Pol.: Polska Rzeczpospolita Ludowa, PRL) through the prism of concepts and ideas of model family and possibilities of shaping it, as promoted in the expert discourse and guidance practices. On the interpretation level, it is important to refer to modern – that is, rational and expert knowledgepropelled – social control methods, strictly connected with the concepts or ideas of modern society. The crucial aspect is the tension between biopolitics understood in terms of actions and strategies of modern dictatorship devised to control a population and the concepts of modernity that appeared in expert discourses in the context of, i.a., decreasing natality, modern birth control methods or practices related to maternity/paternity. Analysed are experts’ opinions proving dominant in the discourse, including the arguments put forth at sessions of the Family Council and the Planned Parenthood Association.
PL
By the late 1920s a considerable body of eugenic literature in Romanian, Hungarian and German had been produced in Romania, illustrating the growing importance afforded to science and evolutionary theories of human improvement in this country. Engaging with this literature, this article investigates the emergence of a Romanian sub-culture in Transylvania and the Banat, sanctioned through eugenics and biopolitics, and promoted by cultural associations and prominent intellectuals and politicians. In so doing, this article contributes not only to a new appraisal of the relationship between ethnic minorities and majorities in interwar Romania, but also to a new understanding of the ways in which eugenics and biopolitics were harnessed to Romanian narratives of nation-building during the interwar period.
EN
In this paper I explore the multifaceted relationship between violence, speech and power in the most graphic of Shakespeare’s plays, Titus Andronicus. I take my cue from Hannah Arendt’s reflections on violence as opposed to power, and as something “incapable of speech,” but I read the play through the lens of Giorgio Agamben’s notion of sovereignty as the suspension of the law. I consider the dichotomy speech/muteness as an example not only of the dichotomy power/violence (Arendt) but also of the opposition between bios and zoe, that is the difference between a life worth to be included in the political realm and a life understood as the mere condition of being alive, a condition common to human beings and beasts (according to classical philosophy). In Titus Andronicus, these distinctions are blurred, and zoe becomes fully exposed to the sovereign decision. While the image of a mutilated and mute body cannot match Arendt’s idea of politics as the combination of speech and action bereft of violence, Agamben has developed the notion of a politics that renders life disposable, mute, bare, and can still be called politics or power, and precisely biopower. From this perspective, I argue, Lavinia and the other characters of Titus Andronicus are the embodiment of the concept of “bare life” as developed by Agamben, and Shakespeare’s Rome is a State of exception and of exceptional violence.
EN
The aim of this article is, on the one hand, to show Franz Joseph Gall as an important figure for setting up the ideological framework for modern biopolitics and, on the other, to look at the literary traces of his personal engagement in this endeavour. In the first part, we place his thought in the ideological context of the 18th and 19th century; the second one analyses the images of the patients created by the author, in order to show their different configurations: while some appear as reduced to the role of homo sacer (Giorgio Agamben’s term), others are inscribed in a dignifying discourse. We look at the political implications of this situation.
EN
A part of the fascination of Left Hand of Darkness—as well as the ambiguity of its ultimate message—derives from the reductive and subterranean drive within it toward a utopian „rest,” toward some ultimate „no-place” of a collectivity untormented by sex or history. The attempt, in the portrayal of feudal Karhide, to imagine something like a West that has never known capitalism is of a piece, structurally and in spirit, with Le Guin’s attempt, in the portrayal of the ambisexuality of the Gethenians, to imagine biology without desire. Le Guin’s underlying identification between sex as a well-nigh gratuitous complication of existence and capitalism as a disease of change and meaningless evolutionary momentum is powerfully conveyed by the technique of world-reduction: in world reduction, omission functions as utopian exclusion. Karhide is not, of course, a utopia, but it is now clear that The Left Hand of Darkness served as a proving ground for The Dispossessed. The Odonian civilization of barren Annares becomes the most through-going application of the world reduction technique at the same time that it constitutes a timely rebuke to present attempts to parlay American abundance and consumerism into some ultimate vision of the „great society”.
EN
Immunisation programmes currently represent a fi rm and widely accepted part of preventive medicine. The Czech Republic ranks among countries with a mandatory immunisation schedule strongly regulated by the state. Having one’s child vaccinated is an unquestionable norm, supported by formal sanctions for those who do not take part in this practice. This article focuses on parents who challenge this norm by deciding to refuse to allow their child to be vaccinated. Twenty-two parents whose children were not vaccinated were interviewed and several participant observations were conducted at public lectures on immunisation and at meetings of parents who actively take part in the debates against compulsory vaccination. The article analyses groups in the Czech Republic that are critical of vaccines in the context of the crisis of trust in biomedical knowledge. It identifi es key factors affecting parents’ critical views of vaccination and highlights their previous experience with health authorities and the feeling of a loss of faith in the trustworthiness of biomedicine as the key motives infl uencing their decision to refuse vaccination. The decision to vaccinate is analysed as a part of the process of the ‘will to health’ that occurs in the context of an ongoing negotiation between different notions of risk.
Human Affairs
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2015
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vol. 26
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issue 2
212-226
EN
In the present article I shall argue that human emotion is multifaceted and has a cognitive dimension in virtue of its intricate connections with beliefs, memories, imagination, and other products of human rationality. Human emotion also has a social and political dimension. When we think about fear we cannot characterize it as a mere stimulus-response phenomenon: it is, due to its cognitive facet, more complex and related to our ideas about survival and well-being. This leaves fear exposed to political rhetoric, and thus to political manipulation. Fear can be aroused, guided and nourished amongst the population, giving rise to a biopolitics of fear. In this article, I will consider the heuristics and biases that lead people to evaluate risks mistakenly, and governments to consequently act erroneously. I will also consider how these psychological mechanisms are exploited by social entrepreneurs in order to achieve their own goals, such as reinforce in-group bonds, generate a sense of crisis or keep hold of power. I shall argue that we must be alert to certain kinds of political discourse that pose a threat to democratic society.
PL
Tekst dowodzi, że wczesny rozwój filozoficzny Ernsta Blocha (1885-1997) był znacząco zainspirowany biocentryczną perspektywą, która zdominowała kulturęeuropejską na przełomie wieków. Pojęcie biocentryzmu obejmuje szeroki zakres zarówno artystycznych, jak i intelektualnych nurtów, które jednoczy zainteresowanie wcielonym życiem, światem naturalnym, a także myślą rozkwitających nauk biologicznych. Pomimo jasnego pokrewieństwa pomiędzy biocentryzmem i volkistycznymi, a także faszystowskimi ideologiami – jak pokazuję – myśl Blocha łączy w sobie pewne aspekty biocentryzmu z marksistowską perspektywą, próbując zmierzyć się ze swoimi politycznymi oponentami, nawet jeśli czasami oznacza to poruszanie się po tym samym terytorium pojęciowym.
EN
This article argues that Ernst Bloch’s (1885-1977) early philosophical development was profoundly influenced by a biocentric perspective that dominated European culture in the decades around the turn of the twentieth century. Biocentrism covers a range of artistic and intellectual currents united by a commitment to embodied life, the natural world, and the insights of the flourishing biological sciences. Despite the clear filiations between biocentrism and völkisch and fascist ideologies, as this article demonstrates, Bloch combined aspects of biocentrism with a Marxist viewpoint in an attempt to counter his political opponents-even as that meant occasionally moving in the same conceptual territory.
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