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EN
The widely unplundered cemetery at Tell el-Farkha has preserved some elements of burials, such as the presence of ochre, pure sand and liquid mud. This can be best explained as ritually motivated. Funerary feasts, food offerings and deposits of granary models and so-called ‘granary’ jars seem also to have represented some beliefs connected to the afterlife. More difficult to interpret are the examples of subsidiary and incomplete burials also registered at the site. Finally, it is worth mentioning niche decorated façades that evolved into cult niches and later into the false doors well-known from the Pharaonic period, which were tightly connected to sepulchral beliefs. The presented material offers a rare and unique insight into the process of establishing burial rituals during the early stages of Egyptian civilization.
EN
The aim of this study was to explore cultural factors affecting burial rituals in Poland. Thirty-four university students collected data from their relatives and created written narratives about deaths in their families or community. Ten additional interviews were conducted with community members, a priest, and medical personnel as part of theoretical sampling and verifi cation of emerging theories. The qualitative material was administered with NVivo and analysed using the Grounded Theory techniques to produce a complex description of folk beliefs, superstitions, as well as symbolic and psychological meaning ascribed to traditional customs. Some of the practices were found susceptible to extinction due to industrialisation, globalisation, and cultural development.
EN
In the autumn season of 2013, the shafts of some of the rock-cut tombs situated south and south-east of the pillared court of princess Sheretnebty were excavated. This article concentrates on the ceramic finds from the shafts and burial chambers of only the main ones, namely two shafts in the tomb of Duaptah (AS 68a) and two southern shafts in the presumed tomb of princess Sheretnebty (AS 68c). The shaft in the tomb of Shepespuptah (AS 68b) was found unfinished and never held either deposits or burials. The ceramic finds from the tomb of Duapthah were interesting, as the burial chambers contained some remains of the original tomb goods. In the case of the northern shaft, a small fragmented jar made of Marl clay A3 was inscribed with the name Nefermin, thus identifying the owner of the northern shaft. The finds from both burial chambers were rather scant and contained only a couple of vessels each, usually representing drink (jars) and food (bowls or plates) for the deceased. The shaft and burial chamber of the husband of princess Sheretnebty in tomb AS 68c contained the largest amount of ceramics. In the fill of the shaft, several strata were uncovered, with the topmost layer containing pottery dating to the Sixth Dynasty, more specifically to the period of Pepy I, such as very large tubular beer jars covered with a pale red slip. The floor level of the burial chamber was covered with numerous fragments of ceramic vessels, most of which could be reconstructed to full or almost full shape. Altogether, there were three large ovoid jars made of Marl clay A3, one smaller jar made of Nile silt and seven bowls and plates made od Nile silt A or B1. All of these were part of the original goods designed for the Afterlife of the deceased and were most probably broken on purpose as part of the sD dSrwt ritual. The ceramic finds from the shafts and burial chambers of the complex are very interesting, as they allow us to analyse not only the vessels and their typology, but also other issues such as post-depositional processes occurring in the tomb after the burial. On the basis of the finds, we can estimate that the cultic activity in the tomb of princess Sheretnebty lasted at least until the first half of the Sixth Dynasty. The latest pottery from all these tombs dates to the period of Pepy II and comes from the fill of the
XX
The article is an attempt at interpreting a peculiar burial practice noted by archaeologists in the Wielbark culture, attributed to the Germanic Goths. In the first centuries AD on the territories of present-day northern and eastern Poland, graves contained jewellery, while weapons and tools were avoided. The visible contrast between silver jewellery and iron objects may correspond to certain social and mythological classifications. The author, using an anthropological structuralist analysis, puts forward the hypothesis that there was a taboo that stemmed from identifying the signs of masculinity, warlike spirit, and using weapons with life and openness. Objects associated with femininity, such as jewellery, may have been linked to the ‘other world’, the hidden funerary space. The contrast in question was an effect of political events involving Germanic tribes and a reflection of old mythical values concerning warriors, women, metallurgists, and objects associated with them.
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PL
Artykuł jest poświęcony opisowi magicznych funkcji ołowiu i cyny w wyobrażeniach narodów indoeuropejskich: Hetytów, starożytnych Greków, Hindusów i średniowiecznych Słowian wschodnich. Przytaczane są także typologicznie bliskie dane z tradycji pozaindoeuropejskich: sumeryjskiej, akadyjskiej, późnosemickiej, w tym – biblijnej. Autor pokazuje, że przedmioty wykonane z ołowiu, w szczególności płyty, posiadały – wedle wierzeń – moc obrony przed złymi siłami magicznymi, odbijając ich oddziaływanie. Omawiany jest także rozpowszechniony motyw zamknięcia zła do naczynia z ołowianą pokrywką, zastosowanie ołowiu w magii medycznej i w rytuałach pogrzebowych narodów indoeuropejskich.
EN
The article is devoted to magic characteristics attributed to lead and tin in Indo- European nations: the Hittites, the ancient Greeks, Hindus and mediaeval eastern Slavs. Typologically close data from non-Indo-European traditions are also mentioned: Sumerian, that of the Semites from Mesopotamia and late Semitic traditions — also biblical. It is shown that according to common beliefs, lead objects, especially plates, could serve as protection against the evil forces ot magic by reflecting their influence. A widespread practice of closing the evil forces in a receptacle with a lead cover is also mentioned, as well as the use of lead in burial practices of Indo-European nations.
EN
In the late 19th century, the larger cities in Galicia including the capital city of Lvov followed the example of large centres in the Habsburg empire where private, licensed funeral parlours were established, rendering comprehensive funerary services. In the first decade of the 19th century, the Lvov authorities decided to affect the prices of funerary services. One of the reasons was intention to offer standard funerary services to the city’s poor inhabitants. The magistrate’s goal was to have its own communal funeral parlour which would also handle funerals of the city’s less affluent inhabitants. In 1909, the “Concordia” Municipal Funeral Parlour started operations. In the Polish community in Lvov, the burial ritual was directly related to the Catholic tradition. In the last two decades of the 19th century, an obituary published in the press made its way to the burial ritual in Lvov in the form still used today i.e. information about the death and the date of the funeral, sometimes also about a memorial service, graphically marked with a thick black border with a cross. The funerary ritual which emerged at that time remained largely unchanged in the Second Polish Republic (1918–1939). The situation changed after WWII when Lvov was under the Soviet and Ukrainianrule. While in this difficult time the Catholic church was persecuted, Poles living in Lvov made an effort to invite a priest to funerals of their next of kin.
7
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EN
Who is Antigone for modern man? The author takes the Hegelian interpretation as the background against which contemporary readings of Antigone appear. She emphasizes the fact that in the now popular readings, Antigone is — as in Judith Butler’s interpretation — a spokeswoman of the wretched and disadvantaged. Even though Butler retains Antigone’s heroic nature she places it in the service of the disadvantaged. In Mary C. Rawlinson’s reading, her heroic individuality is openly criticized, or this aspect is tempered as in the case of Bonnie Honig’s interpretation. In this context, Ismene’s rehabilitation is especially telling. Stressing Ismene as the true heroin, the authors focus on the openness for compromise and willingness to transform Antigone’s rage into new opportunities. The author takes this to be a confirmation of Hegel’s death of tragedy in modernity. Despite the popularity of Antigone today, the Greek heroin loses its grandiosity and monstrosity. The (post) modern Antigone now appears as a prosaic character fit to inhabit a modernity that shows more understanding for the innocence of the victim than the ambiguity of the hero.
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