The paper presents and justifies a postulate of consumer education as education of citizens in spite of the fact that the roles of consumer and citizen are sometimes seen as opposite. The right to education is one of the consumers” rights and it means providing consumers with knowledge about the particular products services and their rights and skills of using that knowledge. Consumer education as citizens means showing them the moral dimensions of consumption and creating the new patterns of consumers behaviour defined as sustainable consumption.
In 1982, W. de Hahn, the Member of the Parliament of the European Community, stressed that it is necessary to take appropriate actions that will foster integration. He stated, in a report, that information is a decisive, perhaps the most decisive factor in European unification and Europe unification will only be achieved if European want it. Since the Treaty of Maastricht subsequent events (for example the European Parliament elections and national referenda – conducted every few years in selected member states – concern the ratification of the treaties of the European Union) have shown that management of the European integration process was not longer possible without communicating with citizens. The European Commission and other EU institutions came to the conclusion that the population of the Member States must not only be informed, but also heard. So, the Commission could understand their perceptions and expectations. In this article Author will try to analize if and how the turnout – in elections to the European Parliament and in the context of referenda held in the European Union countries – affect the creation and development of the EU’s communication strategy?
Discussion whether to formalize participatory budgeting or not has been solved. Again, this time it has happened without scholars’ engagement. Given this situation, can we say that whoever is satisfied? The amendment of the act that introduced legal form of participatory budgeting as a new tool of public consultation does not meet anyone expectations. The reason to think so is that there is no new and compulsory form of public engagement in financial decisions. Moreover, organizational framework and the huge variety of using participatory budgeting have been turned to uniform pattern. Equally, it is hard to agree that implemented solutions, previously though as a way to increase citizens’ involvement in functioning and scrutiny part of public bodies, have been met.
The aim of this paper is to present institutions of public consultation as one of the forms citizens’ participation of in public administration. The author defines the concept of public consultation in the field of legal sciences, identifies the legal basis for the process of public consultation, describes the principles, stages and process of conducting public consultations in Poland. In the paper the dogmatic-legal method and the method of legal functionalism are used.
Municipal self-government as a territorial administrative unit responds in the provision of social services, mainly to the needs and possibilities of its inhabitants. However, it must perceive indicators that correspond to the individual needs and possibilities of the citizen, his opportunities to participate and his willingness to participate in their implementation.
In a modern democratic society, there is an environment in which a person realizes their social choice, in the sense of community development, and thus the development of their own personality. A developed society offers opportunities for a citizen to participate in the development and express their own needs, which are intended to satisfy the vast majority of citizens throughout society. Needs are based on individual perception and cognition.
Since 1990, the president of the Republic of Poland has been elected by direct popular vote. In this period, the position of the office of president has undergone significant change. Each consecutive legal act of a constitutional nature (the Small Constitution of 1992 and the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997) imposed limitations on the range of competences (powers) of the president. Is it thus necessary to revise the current rules of how the head of state is elected? To help answer this question, an attempt was made to view the issue raised in the title of the paper from three perspectives: 1) systemic rationality, 2) political parties as the main political actors and 3) a citizen-based approach as reflected in the preferences and behaviours of the sovereign.
In the modern world, conditions in various spheres of human security are changing at a very fast pace. How non-traditional events are interpreted and the kind of approach to all kinds of transformations may be conducive to a higher frequency of beneficial effects of these changes. The appropriate nature and level of security culture can contribute to perpetuating beneficial trends in solving specific problems, to dealing more effectively with difficult situations, treated as challenges, which can often result in opportunities, and not only as threats. The responsibility of officers of various services, not only for themselves, but also for their subordinates, as well as for decisive decisions resulting from legal conditions, has an even greater impact on the need for strong consolidation of individual judgements, verdicts or decisions. Relying on a personal security culture in various types of situations can more often have a positive impact on the functioning of the entity and their environment, provided that this security culture is of an acceptable character and high level. The author points out that a favourable culture of security for uniformed personnel and citizens will be conducive to a higher level of security.
The New Public Management movement regards citizens as customers and, accordingly, focuses on the quality of services provided by public-sector organizations. Since this approach negatively affected democratic values, there has been a shift of the focus from consumer satisfaction and quality of services to quality of governance. The latter implies the improvement of the relationship between government and citizens as active members of the community. Over the last twenty years, participatory budgeting (PB) has become a popular form of co-production intended to improve the quality of local governance. The aim of the article is to provide a comparative analysis of the use and role of PB in Croatia, Poland and Slovakia and to identify the models of PB used in selected countries. In order to compare the case studies of municipalities in selected countries, a qualitative analysis has been used and the classification of PB models applied. Most analyzed local units use the “Porto Alegre adapted for Europe” model, but the “Consultation on public finances”, “Representation of Organized Interest” and “Proximity participation” models are also represented. The main findings are that PB indeed enables better allocation of public sources according to citizens’ needs (various public services were delivered following the trend of social innovation and co-creation), but the problem lies in the low amount assigned for PB from public budgets and the relatively low interest of citizens to participate in the PB processes. PB might also bring certain risks linked with its implementation, e.g. misuse of the idea for political reasons or additional costs of projects delivered in the PB process.
The mandatory authorities – the municipal office and the mayor of the municipality – play an irreplaceable role at the municipal level. Both bodies are elected. These authorities influence the direction of municipal development in the upcoming term of office, the municipal representatives’ protection of citizens’ needs and interests as well as fulfilment of the tasks and obligations imposed by the law. The main aim of the article is to clarify the importance and seriousness of the mayor as the highest representative of the municipal government in the Slovak Republic. Another aim is to present new realities connected with the mayor’s office as well as new requirements associated with it.
This article presents and analyses the postconflict peacebuilding actions in Kosovo. It aims to bring a picture of external and internal actors involved in such a process from the end of the conflict up to date. The article challenges peace process in Kosovo through the issues emerging in the Society due to the unsettled status enduring as of Security Council Resolution 1244. It is structured into three sections. The first section analyses the postconflict peacebuilding and statebuilding actions undertaken by external and internal actors right after the conflict. The second section deals with the issue of transitional justice as a key element on peacebuilding and how it was addressed. Whereas the third section analyses the current situation of the population with the issues inherited from the conflict and others emerged due to undefined actions of external and internal actors.
The paper analyzed and interpreted understanding of ideas of civil society and political issues in creating Š. M. Daxner. Nowadays, democracy is considered to be the only reasonable real and right system. Thanks to its numerous rules, adequate rights and freedoms it is able to assure law and order. Additionally it gives its citizens the possibility to realize their dreams, ambitions and oppurtunities. Democracy creates many possibilities for those who want to seize it.
The paper analyzed and interpreted understanding of ideas of civil society and political issues in Jan Palarik’s writing. Approprate law must be applied so that democracy could exist, constitution, all the rights, duties and privileges concerning not only citizens but also the authorities are included in it.
This paper presents a cross-cultural overview of the features of the dynamics of the perception of the concepts of “society”, “politics”, and “state”. The work raises the issue of complex and multifaceted individual consciousness of understanding policy. Authors formulate this aspect from the perspective of historical dynamics and propose to explore the process of transformation of the ancient city-state and flowing therefrom political relations in the modern state with its complex political system. It was stressed that the problem of understanding the nature and role of social policy is complicated by language as well as etymological and conceptual differences.
Over recent decades, many European countries have witnessed a transformation of local representative democracy. This has resulted both from the reforms inspired by the concepts of New Public Management, local governance, structural and functional changes as well as the expanding mechanisms of citizen participation. The latter trend is especially visible in large Polish cities. The main objectives of this article are to present the attitude of city councilors towards the concept and mechanisms of citizen participation and to examine whether this ‘extended participation’ influences the status and role played by city councils in the governing process. The article is based on empirical research conducted in 18 Polish cities. The results indicate that elected representatives, in general, support the idea of ‘citizens’ involvement in the decision-making process. Most of them, however, recognize the current mechanisms of civic engagement as sufficient, promoting the need to streamline their operation.
PL
W wielu państwach europejskich w okresie ostatnich kilkudziesięciu lat zauważyć można transformację lokalnej demokracji przedstawicielskiej. Jest to zarówno wynikiem wdrożenia reform inspirowanych koncepcjami Nowego Zarządzania Publicznego (New Public Management), lokalnego współrządzenia (local governance), zmian o charakterze strukturalno-funkcjonalnym, jak i poszerzających się mechanizmów uczestnictwa obywatelskiego. Ostatnia z tendencji w sposób szczególnie wyraźny uwidacznia się w Polsce, w samorządach dużych miast. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie stosunku radnych do idei i mechanizmów partycypacji obywatelskiej oraz określenie stopnia wpływu tychże na pozycję i rolę rad w procesie rządzenia. Artykuł opiera się na badaniach empirycznych przeprowadzonych w 18 miastach polskich. Wyniki badań wskazują, że radni miejscy generalnie popierają ideę szerszego angażowania mieszkańców w proces decyzyjny. Większość z nich uznaje jednak funkcjonujące w ich miastach formy uczestnictwa obywatelskiego za wystarczające, postulując jednocześnie usprawnienie ich działania.
The article presents the process of participatory budgeting, which is more and more popular form of co-operation between administration and citizens. A short historical outline and functions of this institution are shown, and a real impact of society on its planning and implementation. A role of particular organs of public administration in the venture is also analyzed. The study describes if a potential of participatory budgeting is achieved considering society’s stimulation, awareness, and commitment in the local issues. The authors pondered over political results of putting the procedure into practice and over elements that influence development of the territory that benefit from participatory budgeting. However, some people take a stand on the issue that it is a tool that authority uses to eliminate their tasks and to shift the responsibility onto the citizens. The research aims at investigating how participatory budgeting functions in Białystok, adducing shortly the main guidelines and projects. Results of public opinion measured among students living in this city were also shown.
PL
Niniejszy artykuł dotyczy funkcjonowania budżetu obywatelskiego, będącego coraz bardziej popularną formą współdziałania administracji ze społeczeństwem. Wskazuje się krótki rys historyczny, funkcje tej instytucji oraz rzeczywisty wpływ obywateli na jego tworzenie i wykonywanie. Analizie poddano również rolę poszczególnych organów administracji publicznej w przedsięwzięciu. W opracowaniu podniesiono kwestię wykorzystywania potencjału instytucji budżetu obywatelskiego pod kątem aktywizacji społeczeństwa, jego świadomości i zaangażowania w sprawy lokalne. Zastanowiono się też nad politycznymi skutkami wprowadzenia niniejszej procedury w życie oraz elementami wpływającymi na rozwój miejscowości korzystających z budżetu obywatelskiego. Autorzy pracy przedstawili ponadto stanowisko przeciwników przedmiotowego projektu, którzy twierdzą, że władza wyzbywa się w ten sposób swoich zadań i przerzuca odpowiedzialność na mieszkańców. Szczególną rolę przywiązano do funkcjonowania budżetu obywatelskiego w Białymstoku, przytaczając krótko jego podstawowe założenia i projekty. Przedstawiono także wyniki opinii społecznych zebranych wśród studentów mieszkających w tym mieście.
Artykuł przedstawia wyniki sondażu, którego celem było m.in. zbadanie opinii mieszkańców czterech zachodnich podregionów na temat wpływu granicy na życie codzienne oraz opinii o funkcjonowaniu samorządów gmin. Sondaż ujawnia także postawy mieszkańców w stosunku do kwestii ochrony środowiska, współobywateli, mieszkańców sąsiednich krajów oraz pokazuje stopień identyfikacji terytorialnej mieszkańców pogranicza. Badanie zostało zrealizowane przez CBOS na reprezentatywnej próbie dorosłych mieszkańców czterech podregionów (NUTS 3): jeleniogórskiego, gorzowskiego, zielonogórskiego oraz szczecińskiego.
EN
The author investigates the citizens perception of the impact of Polish-German border on local economies and communities in Western Poland. The research, based on the survey conducted in selected municipalities, reveals also the attitudes of the citizens towards the protection of natural environment and their opinion about the neighbours at both sides of the border. Finally, it attempts to assess the degree of citizens identification with the border area.
The report includes a detailed description of the plan of the lectures, the substantive sessions and the workshops that took place during the IV Urban Movements Congress in Gorzów Wielkopolski. It also describes urban theses modified by this congress, that are fundamental for urban movements. Moreover, remarks about the debate of majors of Słupsk, Gorzów Wielkopolski and Poznań as well as debates of candidates to Polish parliament were also included.
PL
Sprawozdanie zawiera szczegółowy opis planu wykładów, sesji merytorycznych oraz warsztatów, które odbyły się podczas IV Kongresu Ruchów Miejskich w Gorzowie Wielkopolskim. Opisane zostały także, zmodyfikowane przez ten kongres tezy miejskie, będące fundamentem dla ruchów miejskich, a także spostrzeżenia z debaty prezydentów miast Słupska, Gorzowa Wielkopolskiego oraz Poznania oraz debaty kandydatów do Sejmu RP.
This year, there is the 70th anniversary of the German occupation of Hungary. Therefore, with this study I would like to commemorate this very important historical event, which had decisive effects on the future of the Hungarian state and society as well. Naturally, until nowadays there have appeared a lot of books, studies and scientific articles which present the occupation, but most of them deal with the problem in general, referring to the whole country. In order to complete the general scene, in my study I focused only on the capital of the Northern Transylvanian region, reincorporated to the Hungarian Kingdom in 1940. The city of Kolozsvár (today, officially in Romanian language: Cluj-Napoca) was the administrative and cultural center of the eastern part of Hungary in that time, therefore it shows very well the exact consequences of the occupation. First of all, I shortly presented the political and military conditions of the German invasion of the country, and after that, the occupation process of Kolozsvár. For a better description of the entering of Wehrmacht troops in the city, I used some interviews made to persons who were eye-witnesses to the events. Beside these, I obtained a lot of data from the local contemporary Hungarian and Romanian press, and several scientific publications and articles published recently. The main objective of this study is to realize an analysis of exact consequences of the German occupation of Kolozsvár in 1944 upon the population of the city, and especially upon the Jewish community. Through the description of the mass arrests of left wing sympathizers, and the collection of the Jews in ghettos, as well as the deportation process, I tried to present one of the most dramatic period of the old, historical city of Kolozsvár.
Lokalna uprava na našim prostorima, sa birokratskom i hijerarhijskom strukturom, sa nedovoljnom stručnošću, nedovoljnim znanjem i pretjeranim procedurama koje koristi u svom radu, nije u stanju da prati stvaranje novog društva i njemu prilagođenog privrednog ambijenta. Nedostatak korisničke i ciljne orijentacije, nizak nivo razumijevanja i korišćenja principa i mehanizama dobre uprave (korisnička orijentacija, efikasnost, participativnost, nepristrasnost, transparentnost, profesionalizam itd.) za posljedicu imaju slab kvalitet usluga. Osjeća se potreba za većim promjenama i stvaranjem nove lokalne uprave koja će izvršavati osnovne upravne funkcije prema rastućim zahtjevima građana - korisnika i razvijati lokalnu zajednicu koja će biti konkurentna, i kao mjesto za život i kao mjesto za poslovanje.
EN
Local self-government in the region, characterised by its bureaucratic and hierarchical structure, insufficient expertise, lack of knowledge and excessive procedures used in its operation, is simply unable to cope with the creation of a new society and an adequate economic environment. The lack of customer and target orientation, low level of understanding and poor utilisation of the principles and mechanisms of good governance (customer orientation, efficiency, participation, impartiality, transparency, professionalism, etc.) results in poor quality of service. It seems necessary to conduct major alterations and to create new local government or administration that would perform basic administrative functions in line with the growing requirements of citizens - users or customers and that would develop a community that would be competitive, both as a place to live and as a place to do business.
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