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EN
The article provides a comprehensive analysis of the right of petition and the need for regulation of this field by statute. The author examines the right of petition both in historical context and by way of reference to the existing regulations and views of legal theorists. She comes to an unequivocal conclusion that there is need for statutory regulation of the right of petition, that would lead to an elevation of the status of that right which, in practice, has been reduced to the right to make requests and complaints in the form that existed prior to the adoption of the Constitution. Moreover, a separate law devoted to the right of petition would encourage citizens to make use of this form of dialogue with the government and make it possible to comprehensively regulate the issue of petition and to ultimately solve many problems with establishing the mutual relations between petitions, complaints and requests.
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87%
EN
The article presents multifaceted considerations and results of analyses concerning the necessity to perceive the phenomenon of corruption through the prism of a gross violation of constitutional values, the principles of the rule of law and social justice. The main focus is on discussing civic rights that are effectively eradicated by corruption, at the same time emphasizing a holistic and systemic approach to understanding and interpreting specific processes and decisions confirmed in practice. At the beginning, it is explained why a broad research perspective should be adopted to understand the essence of corruption. An important argument supporting the correctness of the adopted approach are statements contained in the Government Program for Counteracting Corruption 2018–2020. Next, the most important constitutional values and civil rights are indicated, which are not respected and remain only in the declarative sphere as a result of corrupt practices. In order to prove the illusory nature and facade of certain provisions of the Polish Constitution, important statements contained in the judgments of the Constitutional Tribunal are quoted, and then these interpretations are analyzed in relation to real situations occurring in everyday reality. These problem issues are presented from the perspective of the constitutional principle of equality before the law, social justice and non discrimination. It is also noted in this regard that corruption activities are precisely the main factor leading to the division of citizens into two separate categories according to the way they are treated. Finally, it is mentioned that in the European Union ever greater emphasis is currently being placed on compliance with the rule of law. This problem is closely related to the need to understand the negative consequences of corruption as an element that undermines trust in the state, constitutional order and the rule of law.
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63%
EN
The right to assembly is a manifestation of the social possibility of influencing state organs by loud and often expressive articulation of the position of a given social group on issues important to it. It should be clearly emphasized that the right to peaceful assembly is a manifestation of freedom and is one of the core guarantees of pluralism, freedom of speech and the nation’s right to decide about self, which one considers a sovereign. Detailed rules and procedures for organizing, conducting and dissolving assemblies have been regulated in the Act of July 24, 2015 of the Act of Assembly Law2. The basic concept – the concept of assembly – has been defined in the Art. 3 of Act of the Assembly Law. According to the adopted systematics, two types of assembly were distinguished: ordinary and spontaneous. The first of these means “a grouping of persons in an open space accessible to unspecified persons in a specific place organized in order to carry our joint deliberations or for joint expression of public opinion”. The organization of the meeting can be practically unlimited. The only requirement is having full legal capacity, which excludes persons partially deprived of legal capacity, regardless of the scope of such limitation and the relationship with the subject of the organized meeting. The process of organizing assemblies is not complicated, although one should be particularly careful about the deadlines and keep in mind the “privileged status” of some other forms of assemblies. The amendment to the Act of 2016 introduced new legal solutions, although definition issues were omitted, which in this case are of fundamental importance for the correct application of the Act and guaranteeing observance of constitutional norms by public administration bodies.
PL
Prawo do zgromadzeń jest przejawem społecznej możliwości wpływu na organy państwa poprzez głośne, a często ekspresyjne wyartykułowanie stanowiska danej grupy społecznej na ważne dla niej tematy. Należy wyraźnie podkreślić, że prawo do pokojowych zgromadzeń stanowi przejaw wolności i jest jedną z trzonowych gwarancji pluralizmu, wolności słowa, prawa decydowania o samym sobie przez suwerena, jakim jest naród3. Szczegółowe zasady i tryb organizowania, odbywania oraz rozwiązywania zgromadzeń uregulowany został w ustawie z 24 lipca 2015 r. Prawo o zgromadzeniach4. Podstawowe pojęcie – zgromadzenia – zdefiniowane zostało w art. 3 uPoZ. Zgodnie z przyjętą systematyką rozróżnione zostały dwa rodzaje zgromadzeń: zwykłe i spontaniczne. Pierwsze z nich oznacza „zgrupowanie osób na otwartej przestrzeni dostępnej dla nieokreślonych imiennie osób w określonym miejscu w celu odbycia wspólnych obrad lub w celu wspólnego wyrażenia stanowiska w sprawach publicznych”. Organizacja zgromadzenia jest niemal podmiotowo nieograniczona. Jedynym wymogiem jest posiadanie pełnej zdolności do czynności prawych, co wyklucza osoby częściowo pozbawione zdolności do czynności prawnych, bez względu na zakres takiego ograniczenia i związek z przedmiotem organizowanego zgromadzenia. Proces związany z organizacją zgromadzeń nie jest skomplikowany, jakkolwiek należy szczególnie uważnie pilnować terminów oraz mieć na względzie „uprzywilejowanie” niektórych innych form zgromadzeń. Nowelizacja ustawy z 2016 r. wprowadziła nowe rozwiązania prawne, jakkolwiek pominięte zostały kwestie definicyjne, które w tym przypadku mają zasadnicze znaczenie dla prawidłowości stosowania ustawy i gwarancji przestrzegania przez organy administracji publicznej norm konstytucyjnych.
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Protest wyborczy w wyborach parlamentarnych

63%
EN
Election protest is one of the institutions enabling the review of validity of elections. It is associated with judicial verifi cation. The Constitution does not regulate electoral protests, delegating that task to the legislature. Provisions governing election protests in parliamentary elections are dispersed across the Electoral Code. The Code does not contain specifi c rules regarding the conduct of election protests in elections to the Senate, but is limited to a general referring clause in Article 258, which required application of the provisions governing the validity of elections to the Sejm. The ground of the protest are acts constituting election offense or tort. According to the jurisprudence of the Supreme Court examining the election protests concerning parliamentary elections, any violation of the provisions of the Electoral Code will not necessarily lead to the declaration of invalidity of the election, although any such violation may give rise to election protest. There must be a causal link between the breach of the Electoral Code and the defectiveness of the process of voting and establishing the election results. In judicial practice of the Supreme Court only in a few cases, the allegations raised in election protests are considered to affect the outcomes of elections.
EN
The article presents multi-threaded and critical issues concerning the broad perception and understanding of the rule of law in decision-making processes tied to the exercise of public authority. At the beginning, attention is drawn to the fact that ongoing discussions and disputes on the rule of law, which have been conducted for five years, focus on selected problematic aspects, and come down only to the perception of threats to the independence of the Polish judiciary. Further, the paper discusses the essence of the rule of law in the theory of Polish law (Article 2 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland) and clarifies the meaning of the rule of law in provisions of the Community Law which relate to values listed in Article 2 of the EU Treaty. The rule of law is also examined in the context of decision-making processes. The paper presents the essence and objectives of legal corruption, whereas – in conclusions – it formulates 10 general and universal attributes of the rule of law related to management practices. These attributes bring us closer to the proper understanding of the essence of unpunished forms of corruption. Finally, it is explained that current discussions about the rule of law are connected to the judgment of the Court of Justice of the European Union from 2 March 2021, which creates legal structures that allow domestic courts to ignore the Polish constitutional order.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono wielowątkowe i krytyczne analizy dotyczące szerokiego postrzegania i rozumienia praworządności w procesach decyzyjnych związanych ze sprawowaniem władzy publicznej. Na wstępie zwrócono uwagę na fakt, że toczne od pięciu lat dyskusje i spory na temat rządów prawa, koncentrują się na wybranych aspektach problemowych i sprowadzają się wyłącznie do postrzegania zagrożeń dla niezależności polskiego sądownictwa. W dalszej części pracy omówiono istotę praworządności w teorii polskiego prawa – art. 2 Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej, a także wyjaśniono rozumienie praworządności w świetle przepisów prawa wspólnotowego, które odnoszą się do wartości wpisanych do art. 2 Traktatu o Unii Europejskiej. Następne rozważania i wnikliwe analizy poświęcono praworządności w kontekście procesów decyzyjnych, a także wyjaśniono istotę i cele legalnej korupcji. W podsumowaniu sformułowano 10 ogólnych i uniwersalnych atrybutów praworządności, mających swoje odzwierciedlenie w praktyce zarządzania, które znaczącą przybliżają do właściwego zrozumienia niekaralnych form korupcji. Na koniec wyjaśniono, że aktualne dyskusje na temat praworządności mają związek z wyrokiem TSUE z 2 marca 2021 r., który tworzy struktury prawne pozwalające sądom na ignorowanie polskiego porządku konstytucyjnego.
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