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EN
The article analyses the legitimacy of citizens telecommunications data retention usage in the fight against terrorism. Data retention, that is the preventive storage of information on the source, data, hour and duration of a connection, type of the connection, communication tool and location of a recipient, is a powerful source of knowledge about citizens and their use should be soundly justified. However, both the European Union and Polish practices show that behind this interference in privacy there is neither a guarantee that the data stored would be used exclusively to fight terrorism and severe crimes, nor a sufficient access control mechanism. The efficiency of data use in the fight against organized crimes, including terrorism, is also dubious. In her work the author analyses Polish studies concerning information disclosure issues, Internet publications of the European Union and American reports on retention programmes, as well as Polish and foreign positions of non-governmental organizations engaged in the civil rights protection in this respect.
EN
Objectives: In this article, we attempt to answer the following question: is there a need to liberalise policies and laws to allow the Polish citizens to have a greater access to weapons? We compare the Polish and the American regulations in this area. In our attempts to understand possible ramifications for Poland’s greater access to weapons, we review the American experience with firearms with emphasis on ownership history, the current debates, a comparative analysis of other dangers, and policy implications. In the conclusion, we employ the culture theory of risk to highlight the debates. The article draws attention to aspects meaningful in the context of shaping the policy of access to weapons and the direction of possible changes in legal regulations in this area. Research Design & Methods: The methods used in this article revolve round literature reviews of the debates, statistical data, a survey analysis, and an analysis of legal regulations. Findings: Restrictions on the access to weapons in Poland may not be desirable. They can limit civic rights and prevent a potential net gain of financial revenue. On the other hand, too liberal access to weapons can be potentially dangerous for the safety and well-being of the citizens. Implications / Recommendations: We believe that more research in this area needs to be conducted with a greater focus on the culture theory of risk as well as other paradigms which employ the latest statistics for a broader social-research agenda. We observe a lack of research and literature in this area. Contribution / Value Added: Given the current social and economic climate in Poland and in the United States, we find this research study to be both timely and important. Specifically, on December 14, 2019, new arms regulations entered into force in Poland. On the other hand, President Joe Biden has recently positioned himself on taking a more rigorous approach to firearm violence. Article classification: research article JEL classification: K14, K19
EN
This article examines the protection of information rights and freedoms, international legal aspects, to improve justice for the protection of individual rights Information Appeal Court represent appropriate training, including - the practice of the European Court, they need to be supported seminars on judicial practice in this category cases.
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EN
The article focuses on the essence of the institution of citizenship by describing its elements which are of constitutive character. It first reviews multiplicity of meanings and applications of this institution and its legal definitions. The author claims that from the legal point of view the relation created by the institution of citizenship is twofold: intrastate, but also legal and international. Therefore, the characteristics of citizenship have to take into consideration this dual character. In the final section she discusses which rights and responsibilities are vital element of institution of citizenship.
EN
While analysing the legislative output of the interwar Republic of Poland, most Polish researchers highlight the significant achievements of the so-called Codification Commission established in 1919, whose twenty years of efforts resulted in the drafting of a host of important codes and other acts of high legislative value. This output, however, could only be put to a very short-lived use in the 1930s. Its full potential was not unleashed until after the Second World War, in a completely changed political reality. On a day-to-day basis, the Polish state of the interwar period faced a number of issues that it either desired to overcome or was forced to do so. One of them was the crippled legal status of women, particularly jarring in the reality of the interwar times. Although the reborn Polish statehood, true to lofty democratic ideals, immediately took it upon itself to change the clearly underprivileged legal status of women, the final effect, that is the legislation in force as at the outbreak of the Second World War, looks meagre. The modern codification had not been adopted, the legal particularism in the scope of civil law had been maintained, the anachronistic codification of the preceding century upheld – the ideals of equal rights for women were made a very much imperfect reality. In this article, we attempt to trace the history of how this came to be by examining difficulties in introducing the principle of equality of women’s rights. The example we have chosen serves to shed light on the mundane efforts to overcome the mounting problems with realizing ideas of modernization upon the underlying legal foundations of a country which, at first sight, seems utterly ill-prepared to tackle this task properly.
EN
In the paper, the author analyzes the adoption procedure, characteristics and significance of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbia from 1888. After the Kingdom of Serbia acquired the status of an independent and sovereign state by the decision of the Congress of Berlin, all restrictions regarding its constitutional arrangement disappeared. Emphasizing that the constitution of 1869 was passed illegally during his childhood, and that it gave the people too much freedom, King Milan Obrenović initiated the adoption of a new constitution. Created as a result of a political agreement between King Milan and the Radical Party, the constitution was supposed to secure the interests of both parties, i.e. the survival of the ruling dynasty on the throne and the introduction of a parliamentary system. The constitution was intended to establish a balance between the rights of the people, the ruler and the assembly. By arranging the political system of the state on the principles of parliamentarism and democracy, which sought to satisfy the interests of different layers of the Serbian citizenry, and by providing favorable conditions for further democratization of political life, the constitution of 1888 represented one of the most advanced constitutions in Europe at that time. However, practice has shown that parliamentary democracy requires a more developed social environment than the one that existed in the Kingdom of Serbia at the end of the 19th century.
EN
The author examines a positive aspect of globalization: the spread of laws throughout the world protecting the rights of people with disabilities since the enactment of the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) in the United States. The origin of the ADA and its effect and application in the United States are first examined. Next, the subsequent process of the globalization of disabilities rights legislation is analyzed. A general review of significant national and regional disability discrimination laws is undertaken, together with an attempt at ascertaining how such laws were influenced by the ADA. Special attention is given to developments in disability rights law in Europe and Latin America. Finally, the drafting, adoption and future impact of the UN Convention of the Rights of Persons with Disabilities is reviewed. The author concludes with a prognosis of the future global development - and enforcement - of disability rights law and other civil rights laws. Through increased contact and shared information made possible by globalization (among other strategies), disability rights (as well as other civil rights) advocates may continue to influence the global development of law in their respective fields.
EN
The article analyses the importance of the existence and functioning of European Union (EU) citizenship institutions for materialization of federal concepts of European integration. In the first place, the evolution of this institution and legal foundations of its functioning have been analysed. The second part of the article is aimed at answering the question to what extent EU citizenship may be regarded as a federal institution. Then the issue of the importance of this institution for building political identity of Europeans should be considered.
EN
One of the basic principles of civil rights is that all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. The life protection, liberty and property should be equally guaranteed to citizens to exclude discrimination of minorities or other parts of the population. These rights are an important part of civil liberties and are considered as an essential element for effective citizenship. Arbitrary arrest, terror, torture or other serious and unlawful interference, both by state and private actors, significantly affect the well-being of democracy as it affects the very essence of it. In liberal democracies, leaders legitimized by the people must be involved within the norms and principles of the rule of law in order to establish a healthy relationship between the state and the citizen. This relationship is considered to be damaged in non-liberal democracies as it is affected by the suspension of individual freedoms and rights. This paper aims to analyze whether these individual rights are guaranteed and protected in Albania, considering from the perspective of the legal framework as well as in the political reality. This study aims to analyze the development of human rights, judicial rights and their implementation in our country to come to the conclusion, whether our system is that of a liberal democracy or not.
EN
The article concerns the analysis of procedures connected with election petitions in Poland on the basis of the constituencies under the jurisdiction of the District Court in Toruń. It should be mentioned, however, that research is currently being conducted in other courts, which even at the preliminary stage appears to corroborate the results of the analysis presented in the article. The research focuses on the guarantees of the efficiency of the electoral petition in Poland. The election petition is the most important instrument which is available to verify the validity of elections. The Constitution does not regulate this matter, entrusting the legislator with this task. The possibility of submitting an election petition implements the principle of the external judicial review of the progress of an election or referendum, which can be initiated upon the request of a legal entity entitled to submit the petition. Considering the role of the petition proceedings as well as the values which remain protected within the procedure of settlement, the legislator should demonstrate the utmost care to increase their efficiency. However, the regulations concerning election petitions are scattered around the whole Electoral Code. Furthermore, for an election petition to be justified, there must be a cause-effect link between the law violation and the results of an election, with the burden of proof placed on the petitioner. The overall result is that in judicial practice only in few cases have grievances in election petitions been considered justified.
EN
The article describes the issue of the public activity of professional soldiers in the light of the provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997 and the Act of September 11, 2003 on the military service of professional soldiers. The author analyzes in detail the political freedoms and rights of citizens, defined in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland and the possibility of their implementation by professional soldiers in the light of the restrictions imposed on them in the Act on the military service of professional soldiers. The aim of the analyzes carried out is to indicate the scope of civil rights in the sphere of public activity that professional soldiers are entitled to, whose special service relationship imposes certain restrictions on the exercise of these rights.
PL
Artykuł porusza zagadnienie publicznej działalności żołnierzy zawodowych w świetle postanowień Konstytucji RP z 1997 r. i ustawy z dnia 11 września 2003 r. o służbie wojskowej żołnierzy zawodowych. Autor szczegółowo analizuje wolności i prawa polityczne przysługujące obywatelom, zdefiniowane w Konstytucji RP i możliwość ich realizacji przez żołnierzy zawodowych w świetle ograniczeń nałożonych na nich w pragmatyce służbowej jaką jest ustawa o służbie wojskowej żołnierzy zawodowych. Celem przeprowadzonych analiz jest wskazanie zakresu praw obywatelskich w sferze aktywności publicznej przysługujących żołnierzom zawodowym, których szczególny stosunek służby wymusza określone ograniczenia w korzystaniu z tych praw.
PL
W artykule podjęto próbę zrozumienia współczesnego obywatelstwa z perspektywy praw społecznych jednostki. Teoretyczną ramą prowadzonych rozważań była koncepcja Thomasa H. Marshalla akcentująca wagę socjalnych uprawnień w redukcji społecznych nierówności. Uwzględniając Marshallowską definicję praw społecznych, zaproponowano dwojaki sposób rozumienia ich istoty. Z jednej strony jako prawa wyjściowego gwarantującego minimalny standard godnego życia, z drugiej zaś jako prawa do aktywności, zaradność, szczególnie w sytuacji doświadczanego kryzysu socjalnego. Ponadto w artykule zaprezentowano typologię źródeł praw społecznych oraz opisano ich zastosowanie na przykładzie osób z niepełnosprawnością.
EN
The author of the article attempts to understand the contemporary citizenship in the perspective of social rights. The theoretical framework is based on Thomas H. Marshall’s conception, which indicates the importance of social rights in the reduction of social inequalities. The article proposes two ways of understanding the essence of social rights. On the one hand, there are rights that guarantee a minimum standard “dignifed life”, on the other hand the ones that guarantee activity and resourcefulness, especially in a situation of social crisis. The article presents a typology of sources of rights and describes implementation of the rights in Poland on the example of people with disabilities.
EN
Heuristic methodology attempts to outline the justifications, philosophical assumptions, and rules for the scholarly study of human affairs in order to prevent such study from violating the rights of others and enable it to produce valuable knowledge. To solve this problem, the author draws theoretical support from his game-coordination solution to the agency/structure dilemma and takes inspiration from Garfinkel’s concept of ‘doing sociology’ and from the ‘epistemology’ of the independent justice-seeking court, which for centuries has developed procedural principles and rules that balance the protection of human rights with effective investigation. The study of human affairs is conceived as a sequence of three types of choices – search, hermeneutic, and presentation choice – in order to guarantee that such study become a responsible strategic and epistemological game. The resulting heuristic strategy is characterised in mainly procedural terms by the two closely related principles: of study independence and of review.
EN
The main object of the presented article is to prove that, according to Robert von Mohl’s views on the idea of civil rights, he should be classified as the exponent of moderate early German liberalism. The first section of the study drafts a background for its next two parts. It presents the socio-political circumstances of the German states from the beginning of the 19th century to the developments of the Springtime of the Peoples. The analysis of the German scholar views on the citizenship’s idea in the context of the Rechtsstaat and basic rights notion is undertaken in the second part of the article. In the third part, it is proved, that von Mohl was a thinker who chose the path of the “golden mean”. Regarding the citizen’s position in state, on the one hand, he proposed a substantial catalogue of civil rights. On the other hand, he didn’t support the idea of universal political rights.
PL
Główny cel niniejszego artykułu polega na dowiedzeniu tezy stanowiącej, że rozumienie idei praw obywatelskich w poglądach Roberta von Mohla klasyfikuje go jako przedstawiciela umiarkowanego niemieckiego wczesnego liberalizmu. Pierwsza część opracowania obejmuje omówienie uwarunkowań społeczno-politycznych ziem niemieckich od początków XIX w. do wydarzeń Wiosny Ludów. Stanowi ona tło dla następnych dwóch części. Skupiono się w nich na analizie poglądów niemieckiego uczonego na pojęcie obywatela w kontekście idei Rechtsstaat oraz na prawa zasadnicze (w których zawierały się prawa obywatelskie i polityczne). W artykule dowiedziono, że von Mohl był myślicielem wybierającym drogę „złotego środka” w odniesieniu do pozycji obywateli w państwie. Z jednej strony, zgodnie z dominującym w ówczesnym niemieckim liberalizmie poglądem, przewidywał on szeroki katalog praw obywatelskich w państwie, z drugiej zaś obca mu była idea powszechnych praw politycznych, ich wykonywanie ograniczone było bowiem u von Mohla cenzusem.
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EN
The article reconstructs the origins and the theoretical foundations of the Basic Law on Universal Civil Rights of the December constitution of 1867. The investigation is based on original legal treatises of the time and on unpublished documents in the estate of Adolf Pratobevera (HHStA Wien). I argue that the conception civil rights which Pratobevera and his colleagues realized was based on the Romantic organic conception of the constitutional monarchy which had been developed by South German legal theorists of the Vormärz era. This circumstance may explain the peculiarities of the December Constitution and also the optimism with which its framers were fighting for numerous constitutional civil rights. Pratobevera knew the modern critical trend in German public law but chose to ignore it.
CS
Článek rekonstruuje vznik a teoretické základy základního zákona o všeobecných právech státních občanů v prosincové ústavě z roku 1867.Výzkum je založen na dobových právních pojednáních a na rukopisném materiálu z pozůstalosti Adolfa Pratobevery (HHStA). Zastávám názor, že koncepce občanských práv, kterou uskutečnil Pratobevera a jeho kolegové, byla založena na romantické organické koncepci konstituční monarchie, kterou rozvinuli jihoněmečtí právníci doby předbřeznové. Tato okolnost může vysvětlit zvláštnosti této ústavy a také optimismus, s jakým tvůrci ústavy bojovali za početná ústavní občanská práva. Pratobevera znal i moderní kritický směr německého státního práva, ale rozhodl se nenásledovat ho.
EN
Nowadays human rights are an essential part of constitutional regulations in the European countries. The very first universal regulation based on the rights of every citizen, was The Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen set in 1789. Analysed constitutions of France, Belgium, Switzerland, Germany, Austria, Latvia, Bohemia, Slovakia and Poland point to the developments of rights of individuals through expanding these rights from the rights of the citizens to the rights of every person on the territory of a particular country. Obviously, the rights concerning exclusively the citizens of a particular country, like for example the right to vote, have still been maintained. A modern catalogue of rights and freedoms of individuals is abundant and expanded by, for example, the right to the constitutional complaint or the right to a clear environment. Nowadays the human rights standards are widely recognised though not always respected. This results from the legal and political practise, in which the scope of the rights of individuals is still being narrowed. One of the reasons are ideological and political changes in particular countries, which are being enforced with the development of civilisation and technology.
PL
Prawa człowieka stanowią dzisiaj istotną część regulacji konstytucyjnych w państwach europejskich. Pierwszą powszechną regulacją, opartą na zasadzie praw przysługującej każdemu obywatelowi, była francuska Deklaracja praw człowieka i obywatela z 26 sierpnia 1789 r. Przeanalizowane konstytucje Francji, Belgii, Szwajcarii, Niemiec, Austrii, Łotwy, Czech, Słowacji oraz Polski wskazują na rozwój praw jednostek poprzez poszerzanie praw jednostek od praw przysługujących obywatelom na rzecz praw przysługujących każdej osobie przebywającej na obszarze danego państwa. Oczywiście zachowane zostały także te prawa, które ze swej istoty przysługują wyłącznie obywatelom, jak np. prawa wyborcze. Współczesny katalog praw i wolności jednostek jest szeroki i rozbudowywany np. o prawo do skargi konstytucyjnej, czy prawo do czystego środowiska. Standardy praw człowieka są obecnie powszechnie uznawane, aczkolwiek nie zawsze przestrzegane. Wynika to zarówno z praktyki polityczno-prawnej, w której przestrzeń praw jednostek ulega stałemu zawężeniu m.in. z powodu zmian ideologiczno-politycznych w poszczególnych państwach, jak i wymuszanych rozwojem cywilizacyjnym i technologicznym.
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Prawo karne i prawa obywatela

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EN
The reprinted lecture by Prof. Juliusz Makarewicz, one of the most eminent Polish legal scholars of the 20th century, the main author of the 1932 Criminal Code (whose 90th anniversary we celebrate this year) and the founder of the Lwów School of Criminal Law, was delivered on January 20, 1936, in the Auditorium of the Jan Kazimierz University in Lwów, during “the Academy” (an official event) for the 275th anniversary of the founding of the Jan Kazimierz University in 1661. The lecture was previously published in “Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny” from Poznań. Prof. Makarewicz’s utterance should provide grounds for a serious reflection by legal scholars, for it is a warning (in the context of what happened a few years afterwards) and – as it seems – it remains to a large extent topical also today – at the time of fundamental changes occurring between the legislative authority in the European Union and the European countries. It also allows one to verify the views on the Polish law in the 1930s and on the role of the April Constitution in safeguarding and guaranteeing basic civil rights, which at that time were limited in many European countries. Only a minimal modernization of the spelling is made. For the permission to reprint this piece, we would like to thank Dr Jolanta Olbrycht-Roguska – the Author’s grandaughter and heiress.
PL
Przedrukowywany odczyt jednego z najwybitniejszych jurystów polskich XX wieku, profesora Juliusza Makarewicza – głównego autora kodeku karnego z 1932 r. oraz twórcy lwowskiej szkoły prawa karnego, został wygłoszony 20 stycznia 1936 w Auli Uniwersytetu Jana Kazimierza we Lwowie w czasie Akademii zorganizowanej w związku z 275-tą rocznicą założenia Uniwersytetu Jana Kazimierza w 1661 r. Odczyt został pierwotnie opublikowany w poznańskim „Ruchu Prawniczym, Ekonomicznym i Socjologicznym”. Wypowiedź prof. Makarewicza powinna służyć poważnej refleksji dla gorących głów prawniczych, gdyż jest przestrogą (w kontekście tego co wydarzyło się kilka lat po powstaniu odczytu) i – jak się wydaje – zachowuje w znacznej mierze swoją aktualność także współcześnie – w dobie zasadniczych przemian pomiędzy organami władzy prawodawczej w Unii Europejskiej oraz państwach europejskich. Pozwala też zweryfikować poglądy na polskie prawo lat 30. XX w. i rolę Konstytucji kwietniowej dla ochrony i zagwarantowania podstawowych praw obywatelskich, które w tym czasie w licznych krajach europejskich były co najmniej ograniczane. Za zgodę na przedruk dziękujemy Pani dr. Jolancie Olbrycht-Roguskiej – wnuczce i spadkobierczyni Autora. Dokonano jedynie minimalnego uwspółcześnienia ortografii.
EN
The aim of the article is to present an outline of the theory of human and civil rights from a historical perspective. The author shows the influence of Western political thought, in particular the doctrine of natural law and liberal constitutionalism, on the evolution of human rights, from the political and legal idea to statutory law.
PL
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie zarysu teorii praw człowieka i obywatela z perspektywy historycznej. Autor ukazuje wpływ zachodniej myśli politycznej, w szczególności doktryny prawa natury i liberalnego konstytucjonalizmu na ewolucję praw człowieka, od idei polityczno-prawnej do prawa stanowionego.
EN
The attack on February 24, 2022 on the sovereign Ukrainian state undoubtedly violates Art. 1 clause 1 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights on the right to self-determination. By virtue of this law, nations themselves decide about their political status, and they themselves choose the form and direction of economic, social and cultural development. The use of armed force inevitably leads to a violation of fundamental human rights, including the right to life and human dignity. The Commissioner Human Rights carries out his tasks in the field of supporting people seeking refuge in Poland from the war. The first month of the armed conflict was significant in terms of securing the basic needs of people who often fled the occupied and shelled territories of Ukraine even without personal belongings. Both individual and general applications included requests for help in meeting basic needs, such as food, accommodation, medical assistance, financial support, and then finding a job or school
PL
Atak w dniu 24 lutego 2022 roku na suwerenne państwo ukraińskie niewątpliwie stanowi naruszenie art. 1 ust. 1 Międzynarodowego Paktu Praw Obywatelskich i Politycznych o prawie do samostanowienia. Z mocy tego prawa narody same decydują o swoim statusie politycznym oraz same wybierają formę i kierunek rozwoju gospodarczego, społecznego i kulturalnego. Użycie zbrojnej siły nieuchronnie prowadzi do naruszenia podstawowych praw człowieka, w tym prawa do życia i godności istoty ludzkiej. Rzecznik Praw Obywatelskich realizuje swoje zadania w zakresie wsparcia osób poszukujących w Polsce schronienia przed wojną. Pierwszy miesiąc konfliktu zbrojnego był znamienny w zabezpieczaniu podstawowych potrzeb osób, które niejednokrotnie nawet bez rzeczy osobistych uciekały z okupowanych i ostrzeliwanych terytoriów Ukrainy. Zarówno wnioski indywidualne, jak i wystąpienia generalne zawierały prośby o pomoc w realizacji podstawowych potrzeb, jak wyżywienie, zakwaterowanie, pomoc medyczna, wsparcie finansowe, czy w dalszej kolejności znalezienie pracy czy szkoły.
PL
Celem niniejszego opracowania jest próba wykazania zależności pomiędzy prawem do wolności słowa a bezpieczeństwem narodowym i obywatelskim z wykorzystaniem analizy porównawczej. W tym celu odwołano się do porównania systemu prawnego Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z prawem Federacji Rosyjskiej. Analizie poddano kwestie prawne wolności słowa w Polsce, by dalej przejść do systemu prawnego Federacji Rosyjskiej, w którym zarówno akty krajowe, takie jak konstytucja oraz regulacje prawne dotyczące działania mediów oraz swobód i wolności wypowiedzi, w swoim zapisie nie różnią się znacząco od spotykanych w państwach demokratycznych. Ponadto, Federacja Rosyjska jest sygnatariuszem większości umów ponadnarodowych, na przykład takich jak Powszechna Deklaracja Praw Człowieka. Jednakże problem tkwi w rzeczywistym stosowaniu i egzekwowaniu tych praw i wolności w praktyce. Wnioski, które nasuwają się z niniejszej analizy są jednoznaczne. Dopóki będzie brakować alternatywnych wiarygodnych kanałów dystrybucji informacji z pewnością utrzyma się dotychczasowy system ustrojowy w Federacji Rosyjskiej, ponieważ brak alternatywy siłą rzeczy utrwala monopolizację rynku medialnego. Ale zacieśnienie przekazu informacyjnego do propagandy rządowej ograniczające wolność słowa, na dłuższą metę nie będzie sprzyjać stabilności wewnętrznej tego państwa.
EN
The purpose of this study is to attempt to discover the relationship between the right to freedom of speech and national security, using a comparative analysis. For this purpose, reference was made to the comparison of the legal system of the Republic of Poland with the law of the Russian Federation. The legal issues of freedom of speech in Poland were examined, and then the legal system of the Russian Federation was analyzed, in which both national acts, such as the constitution and legal regulations regarding the operation of the media and freedom of expression, do not differ significantly from those found in other democratic countries. In addition, the Russian Federation is a signatory to most supranational agreements, such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. However, the problem lies in the actual application and enforcement of these rights and freedoms in practice. The conclusions drawn from this analysis are unequivocal. As long as there are no alternative credible information distribution channels, the existing political system in the Russian Federation will certainly be maintained, because the lack of an alternative perpetuates the monopolization of the media market. However, tightening the information transfer to government propaganda, limiting freedom of speech, will not be conducive to the internal stability of this country in the long run.
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