Search results

1

Формування культури громадянськості українства в умовах розвитку «молодої демократії»

100%

Бульбенюк С.

Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona

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2015

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vol. 5

201-207

PL

Kształtowanie się kultury obywatelskości społeczeństwa ukraińśkiego w warunkach rozwoju „młodej demokracji”

2

Democracy building in Ukraine: key contradictions

100%

Rozumny M.

Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona

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2017

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vol. 7

201-212

EN

Initially, the project for building democracy in Ukraine was characterized by a certain contradictory nature and suggested that liberalization of forms of public life should have been superimposed on the relatively intensive processes to form a political nation. During the entire period of social reforms in Ukraine the public awareness has been focusing on several marks of national development. The concepts of “building a state”, “building a civil society” and “formation of a political nation” were most widespread. Their value and strategic priorities often competes with each other in reality. The focus on “building a state” unambiguously makes the national idea of state sovereignty higher than the social idea of democratic self-government. Although a national idea is usually based on conservative values, as it has not been based on substantial tradition since Ukraine’s independence (institutions and public practices), it has quite quickly lost its motivation. The project for “building a civil society” cannot be directly connected with a certain historical period of Ukrainian independence to date, as it was present in the public sphere with a utopian background, which was not fed by connection with reality so much as extreme remoteness from the same. This status of a distant, yet inapproachable ideal spawned both the advantages and disadvantages of the concept of a “civil society”. The project to “form a political nation” emerged in the Ukrainian intellectual space later on, when the projects to “build a state” and “build a civil society” had started to become ceremonial attributes of public communications rather than products reflecting the current trajectory of the country. Today therefore, the concepts of a “civil society” and a “political nation” are equally present in the public awareness of Ukraine as landmarks of national development, public and political transformations and are often used as mutually complementary components of a single strategy. The path of democratic transit in Ukraine emerged as more complicated. Here, the authoritarian political regime had not managed to consolidate itself, when faced with the activism of the civil society. On the one hand, it was part of a society oriented toward the national modern that stood against the restoration of post-Soviet authoritarianism and, on the other, a considerable layer of intellectuals and businesspersons oriented toward the postmodern version of liberalism and globalism. The theory of democratic transit, which was mainly formed within the limits of the institutional approach, paved the way for democratic management institutions to adopt a decisive role in transforming non-liberal communities. It proposed a simple solution. As liberal transformations in the West resulted in formalization of the respective standards, values and practices in the form of democratic institutions, an adverse effect could be expected and the emergence of a liberal society based on democratic institutions. The end result was unexpected in some respects, resulting in a so-called façade democracy, with a significant portion of actually functioning social standards and principles degraded to demonstratively feudalistic forms. At the same time, however, the institutional frame (or façade) of the political system remained “improved”. Moreover, client-based, corrupt and demonstratively criminal social structures not only learned to utilize the institutions of representative democracy, but also managed to fit the democratization changes themselves in the context of their own corporate strategies. In terms of political history, the previous period of Ukraine can be characterized as an oligarchic consensus; ruined at a certain stage by an attempt to monopolize power by Yanukovych’s surroundings. The 2014-2015 crisis resulted in the political domination of “political projects”, rather than parties in the classical sense, as major subjects of political competition, projects, which, given the character of their emergence and functioning, balance between business start-up logics and the promotional laws of pop stars. The most important means of assessing the quality of democracy, Ukraine has degraded, during the period when it was supposed to actively arrange its democratic bases. One answer may be that the conscious efforts targeting democracy have not yet spawned sufficiently comprehensive consequences. However, it is already clear that instead of adopting progressive social innovation, we have social mutation, which resembles the expected result according to certain exterior features, but which radically contradicts the conception of reform. Oligarchy in the Ukrainian political and social context means a situation, when wealth is used to preserve a monopoly of power and power is converted into wealth. In fact, an oligarchy means usurpation of power, when people are deprived of sovereignty and major management facilities are appropriated by an organized group. Only the republic may become an alternative to oligarchy in Ukraine. The republic, as we understand it, denotes a kind of political organization of citizens, who founded the state, based on common values and generally accepted rules of community life.

3

AKTYWNI OBYWATELE – ANALIZA PORÓWNAWCZA OSÓB DZIAŁAJĄCYCH W ORGANIZACJACH TRZECIEGO SEKTORA W POLSCE

100%

Masłyk T.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2017

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issue 2(15)

121-138 (18)

EN

The degree of citizen participation in Poland as a key factor responsible for the development of third sector organizations is relatively low compared to countries of developed democracy. Despite political, economic or social difficulties, from year to year there is a gradual increase in non-governmental organizations representing the sphere. The purpose of this article is to present the characteristics of active citizens working in various third sector organizations with regard to their socio-demographic profiles. The analysis was performed for the total active people based on data from studies carried out in the 2013Social Diagnosis.

4

Konsolidacja polskiej demokracji (Tezy projektu badawczego)

88%

Błuszkowski J., Mider D.

Studia Politologiczne

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2011

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vol. 22

28-53

EN

The paper presents key dimensions of the consolidation of democracy, in which trouble spots of Polish democracy appeared. These dimensions are: correct and coherent legislative solutions, efficiency and stability of state institutions, effective mechanisms and channels of representation together with implementation of main social groups’ demands, functioning of party system according to democratic principles, effective mechanisms resolving political and social conflicts, effective and adequate reactions of state institutions to emergency situations, strong and active civil society, integrated and democratic political culture of elite and mass society.

5

Демократизація і євроінтеграційна стратегія сучасної України: національна специфіка та досвід сусідів

88%

Бульбенюк С.

Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona

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2014

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vol. 4

108-114

EN

The relationship between political strategy of the state (first of all on the basis of studying the experience of democratic transformations) and the foreign policy vector of national development on the example of Ukraine and countries of Central and Eastern Europe is examined. The author seeks to find answers to the question: «What is the ideological guidance for national development of modern Ukraine?»; «Experience of our closest neighbors - Central and Eastern Europe - may be useful in identifying these ideological landmarks for Ukraine?»; «Should such ideological orientations be based on clearly defined ideological and political (doctrinal) bases or be as politically neutral?». The proposed research of the structure of European integration strategy because of the burning social and political realities of Ukraine distinguish the most problematic areas of political, social, economic and cultural space of national society. Based on the experience of the process of democratic transformation and holding of European integration in Poland, Hungary, Romania and other CEE countries are attempting to define «strong» and «weak» sides of these processes for the further consideration of their formulation of national politics and the foreign policy strategy of systemic transformation. The author’s view on the problems and prospects of development of civil society in Ukraine in view of events ( in fact - for the most significant recent history of national tests) is presented by late 2013 - early 2014.

6

Polityka rządu wobec organizacji pozarządowych w latach 2008‒2016 a kryzys polityczny w Macedonii

88%

Wilk D.

Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona

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2017

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vol. 7

48-58

EN

The plan to build a stable state in which two ethnic groups living in Macedonia could coexist was set forth in the framework agreement of 31 August 2001 referred to as the Ohrid Framework Agreement. Creating beneficial conditions for the activity of civil society organisations was one of the main points of the framework agreement. After the VMRO-DPMNE party gained power in 2006 and the Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski took authoritarian direction, non-governmental organisations became one of the main entities intended for liquidation. VMRO-DPMNE limited their access to financing and media, demonised them, and imposed restrictions on their activists, considered traitors of the nation. The Macedonian phone hacking scandal from 2015 revealed many irregularities, including attempts to eradicate non-governmental organisations and their activists. At the same time, it awakened the lethargic and scared civil society. The scale of the protests that started in May 2015 convinced the participants that they were able to revolutionise the Macedonian political arena and to take matters into their own hands. New independent associations and organisations wishing to change the politics of the state were created. For the first time, the citizens united across ethnic divides.

7

Эволюция институтов гражданского общества в Польше на примере развития системы местного самоуправления

88%

Глебов В. А., Макухин А. В.

Studia Politologiczne

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2017

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vol. 44

291-299

EN

The article deals with the process of transformation of civil society in the Republic of Poland in the period of transition from the regime of “people’s democracy” to the multiparty parliamentary system. Another point – it is influence and the relationship between the process of institution-making of the Polish civil society and reform of an effective system of local self-government.

8

Догматы и опыт. Несколько замечаний о характере польской демократии

75%

Filipowicz S.

Studia Politologiczne

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2013

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issue 30

11-26

EN

Three fundamental ideas: civil society, the free market and solidarity lay at the root of the concept behind the changes defined as a democratic transformation. These ideas became the underpinning of the founding myth of Polish democracy, an underpinning which proved to be highly liable. Free market mechanisms and the political struggle for power were at the root of the erosion of values linked to the ideals of civil society and solidarity. The notions of mutual recognition and cooperation gave way to fierce competition. Disillusion and frustration plunged Polish democracy into a torrent of resentment. The idea itself of market self-regulation collapsed. Polish democracy found itself in a void, between the extremes of resentment and naïve accession-optimism, activated by the integration program. A deficit of symbolic capital thwarted the creation of a political communication model conducive to opening a genuine debate. Instead, an image-based politics emerged as a substitute of effective communication, representing a swing in activity away from debate and towards gestures and platitudes.

9

Взаємодія державної влади та громадянського суспільства в Україні в умовах системних викликів сучасності (кратологічно-управлінський і антропологічний дискурси)

75%

Бульбенюк С.

Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona

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2017

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vol. 7

163-171

EN

We consider the issues of interaction between government and civil society in modern Ukraine in terms of system calls through the prism kratological and management analysis and anthropological discourses. These discourses are concentrated in the kratological domain of research, because the issues of power in the domestic space forever are key in the theoretical and practical plane. Nowadays, the kratological discourse is complemented by the problem of studying the network of civil society and the E-state, which causes a qualitatively different view of political power - as a disperse phenomenon, a set of political alternatives known and equal to all rules. The author draws attention to the importance of lighting latent internal mechanisms for the implementation of political and / or power state for a deeper understanding of trends, implications and possible prospects of implementation of the strategy of systemic transformation of the Ukrainian state and society. At the same time, special attention is paid to the formation of a de facto semi-political confrontation between political and social actors of two types - representatives of the establishment and "opinion leaders" of the traditional and networked civil society. If the former are mainly representatives of the domestic political class of the post-Soviet period, then the latter are activists, intellectuals, artists, public, and eventually also potential statesmen (say, the young generation of people's deputies of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine of the VIII convocation), who came to the political and social advance during or after the revolutionary events of autumn 2013 - the winter of 2014. It is proved that in the conditions of those splits that occur now in Ukraine, the key social and political actors of socio-political shifts should be updated representatives of the ruling class, on the one hand, and «opinion leaders» from among the traditional and the network of civil society, on the other hand. Substantiates the view that the expression of an effective and truly democratic interaction of the state and civil society should be to ensure transparent competitive environment and creating a realm where it becomes possible political dialogue between the government and citizens, which the state is ready to negotiate with its citizens about the important issues of social development. After all, the main problems of the national state building in Ukraine in the last two and a half decades are related precisely to the fact that the domestic ruling class has not managed to conduct a permanent public dialogue with citizens, and those attempts to formulate and put forward relevant projects of social agreements that were carried out by social actors from the civil society, did not find an adequate response from the political actors on the part of the state. Thus, it can be argued that while the attempts to "conventionalisation" Ukrainian political life are a model of "one-gates", when only one side of a potential public-public dialogue and the conclusion of a social contract on its basis is interested in such a process. Moreover, the representatives of the establishment of various ideological and ideological and geopolitical directions, from the conventionally "pro-Moscow" to the conditionally "pro-American" and "pro-European" ones, have shown their disinterest. The basis of such a political dialogue should be symbolic of the conclusion convene social contract between senior representatives of the state and civil society on the basis of a political and social compromise. The importance of achieving a political and social compromise is due not only to the fact that without its achievement it is impossible to speak about the further political and socio-economic progress of our state in the conditions of a long Russian-Ukrainian military conflict and the unsolved numerous splits (intergenerational, value, structural-institutional, geopolitical And others) within the domestic society, but also because in recent decades, under the influence of the deployment and deepening of the processes of informatization and globalization in a substantial way the understanding of political and / or state power has changed - its essence, purpose, features of interaction with society and citizens. A true "conventionalisation" of domestic political life is possible only on condition of recognition of the equality of both subjects in the conclusion of such a symbolic pact - and the leading figures of the political class and civil society actors, with their circle to be expanded as much as possible, including through the involvement of representatives of the network civil society, various communities of so-called "grassroots" public initiatives.

10

Концепт «публічна політика» у міждисциплінарному науковому дискурсі

75%

Чальцева О.

Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona

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2017

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vol. 7

182-193

EN

The public policy is a modern concept of political science which has appeared in the middle of the XX century and there is in a condition of continuous updating that specifications. In search of the universal definition of public policy authors are guided generally by philosophical and axiological, spatial and functional options of a scientific explanation of this phenomenon. Philosophical and axiological definition of public policy since Renaissance defined key problems which became the subject of the analysis for modern researchers of this direction. Philosophical reflections on a concept of the fact what is "public", "private", "sphere" and so on. have laid the foundation of a meta-analysis of studying of public policy and have defined conceptual borders for further theoretical searches. Functional interpretation of category "public policy" is rather wide and versatile it is provided in works of researchers of many methodological approaches and theories which connect it with the decision-making process and political and managerial processes. Managerial measurement of public policy allows determining intuitional and technological capabilities of actors of the political process in making public decisions. Close connection of a policy and the state conformable with the ideas of representatives of institutional and neoinstitutional approaches that considered a public policy both as dependent and as independent variable at the same time at the center of scientific research permanently there was an analysis of communication of institutes and society. The criticism of neoinstitutionalism led to a defensive line of authors of this direction and, as a result, before the appearance of new theories in 90's of the XX century, which explain a concept of a public policy taking into account the current trends. First of all, it concerned a study of new institutes and a new role of traditional political institutes in formation of a public policy. The system theory has brought adjustments in essence of the characteristic of public policy. According to the logic of system approach, the modern public policy is complete, dynamic system which is independently updates, organizes and develops. It consists of the interconnected and interacting elements which unite in steady unity with the external environment by means of many factors and conditions of interaction with external. Inclusion by scientists of different schools in the analysis of public policy of such actors as groups of interests, civil society, expert-analytical communities, political parties, has allowed to detail the considered concept. Display in a concept of public policy of not hierarchical communications and structures has become possible because of coalition approach and the theory of political networks. The public policy by means of the theory of networks is considered as concrete types of mediation of interests of different actors (state і non-state) and as the specific form of government. Use of reality of public policy by means of a spatial concept gives the chance to analyse different types of interactions of the individual and collective actors both institutionalized, and not institutionalized in the course of implementation of the power and influence on it in specific political environment which is a complicated developing system with it's ow laws and borders. The public space at all levels (global, regional, national) is constantly changeable structure which is formalized and filled with meanings under the influence of actors. As a result of the retrospective analysis of approaches which operationalize public policy was provided the author's vision of this phenomenon. Public policy is understood as the reasonable interaction of the public actors (institutionalized and not institutionalized, formal and informal) which by means of own resources, functional mechanisms, cultural and valuable and precepts of law, have an opportunity to reveal, implement, analyze and control valid socio-political problems. Since 90's of the XX century, scientists adapt conceptual sense of public policy of the national contexts on the basis of that experience of the state and cultural and valuable changes. The main problem, in this case, is that the above-stated categories not always answer the contents, especially in the conditions of transitional systems. For formation of idea of essence of public policy in the transformed countries it is necessary to use such explanations of these categories which would consider absence of full-fledged civil society and communication between all actors of political process. Specification of categories according to political reality can be the way out. So, the concept public policy is permanently transformed because of changeable political reality that puts representatives of different schools of sciences before a problem of fixed search of new explanations of its content. For the objective reasons, the methodology of political science appeared incapable of giving the answer to a question independently: what is public policy? This opportunity appears only on condition of participation of such sciences as economy, sociology, managing sciences, state administration, systemology, etc.

11

O negliżowaniu władzy demoliberalnej

75%

Żyro T.

Studia Politologiczne

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2016

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vol. 41

17-36

EN

An article considers the topic of exposing political power in the system of liberal democracy up to the level being deprived of respect, authority, and obligation. The power is to be negligée by forces of contemporary civilization. Several scholars describe the problem as a process of growing transparency. It produced several problems that the democratic man be not ready to meet. If in modern liberal democracy prevails dogma transparency of power, depriving political institutions of serious status, factors constituting the political power transformed are essentially transformed.

12

Polskie wybory 1991-2011

63%

Materska-Sosnowska A., Słomka T., i inni i. i.

Studia Politologiczne

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2011

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vol. 22

1-288

PL

Rok 2011 jest czasem szczególnej rocznicy. Mija oto dwadzieścia lat od pierwszych, w pełni wolnych wyborów parlamentarnych w suwerennej i demokratycznej (czy też w owym jeszcze czasie – demokratyzującej się) III Rzeczypospolitej. W istocie akcent położony być powinien na określeniu „w pełni wolnych”, gdyż już w czerwcu 1989 roku, w rezultacie porozumień Okrągłego Stołu, doszło do częściowo wolnych wyborów do Sejmu i Senatu. Choć kontrakt zawarty między stroną rządową a opozycyjną przewidywał, że Senat i 35 procent mandatów poselskich obsadzone zostaną swobodnie, to jednak 65 procent mandatów poselskich z góry przeznaczonych zostało dla sił politycznych reprezentujących panujący reżim. Jednak w rzeczywistości wyborczej roku 1989 zaistniało coś, czego twórcy umowy okrągłostołowej nie mogli lub nie chcieli przewidzieć. Trafnie wskazuje na to Ryszard Piotrowski: „Wyborcy okazali się niemal jednomyślni w odrzuceniu istniejącego systemu politycznego. Przedsięwzięcie, postrzegane jako zapoczątkowanie prosystemowych zmian, stało się manifestacją społecznego oczekiwania na zasadnicze – w istocie antysystemowe – reformy. […] Wydaje się, że w swej istocie wybory czerwcowe były swoistą rewolucją polegającą na skreślaniu kandydatów utożsamianych ze światem niechcianej władzy”. Można zatem przyjąć, że wyborcy, poprzez swe zachowania polityczne, działając zgodnie z obowiązującymi normami prawnymi – konstytucji i ordynacji wyborczej – faktycznie wykreowali pewną przestrzeń wolności, nieprzewidzianą ani przez to prawo, ani przez umowę okrągłostołową. Zachowali się inaczej niż do tej pory – skorzystali z siły politycznej, która zamknięta była w możliwości skreślania kandydatów.

13

ПОЛЬСКАЯ ПОЛИТИКА ПОСЛЕ ПЕРИОДА ТРАНСФОРМАЦИИ СОСТОЯНИЕ И ПЕРСПЕКТИВЫ РАЗВИТИЯ

51%

Суловски С., Залесны Я., i inni i. i.

Studia Politologiczne

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2013

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issue 30

1-230

RU

Переведенный том «Политических исследований» посвящен вопросам польской политики после периода трансформации. Мы не решаем сложного и все еще дискутируемого в тематической литературе вопроса, был ли процесс трансформации завершен во всех ее сферах, и можно ли однозначно говорить о политике после периода трансформации или же во многих плоскостях политических отношений имеем дело с неоднородной динамикой трансформационных процессов, и в результате – с неодинаковым уровнем изменений. Настоящий том является результатом продолжения исследований Институтом политических наук Варшавского университета по проблемам периода трансформации. Кроме публикаций, касающихся отдельных аспектов польской трансформации, в Институте были созданы труды, во многих аспектах рассматривающие направления и результаты политических изменений, имевших место в Польше после 1989 года. Особенно, необходимо упомянуть о четырех из них: «Poland: Government and Politics» (1997), «The Political System of Poland» (2007) и изданной в 2008 году работе под названием «Дилеммы польской трансформации», англоязычная версия которой звучит «Dilemma’s of Polish Transformation» (опубликована в 2010 году). Даже если предположить, что Польша 2013 года представляет собой государство, прошедшее трансформацию, остаются вопросы относительно качества и надежности проделанной работы. Тем не менее, сам процесс преобразования от политического режима реального социализма к либеральной демократии в современной ее версии следует признать завершенным. Трансформация государственного устройства Польши характеризовалась индивидуальной спецификой и динамикой развития, которая отличалась от динамики, зафиксированной в остальных посткоммунистических государствах. Эти проблемы были изложены в последней из упомянутых коллективных работ, на них ссылаются также исследования, предлагаемые Вам в данный момент. Переломным событием, подводящим итог происходящих преобразований государственного устройства, было принятие в 1997 году новой конституции. Это произошло позже, чем в большинстве государств региона, но в то же время, с учетом их опыта.

14

Wpływ i władza w systemie demokratycznym

51%

Ziółkowski J., i inni i. i.

Studia Politologiczne

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2016

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vol. 41

1-342

PL

Dobrym zwyczajem jest uzasadnienie sensu naukowego przygotowywanych projektów badawczych, odtworzenie celów, motywacji autorów. Projekt pt.: Wpływ i władza w systemie demokratycznym powstał w określonych warunkach, przestrzeni społeczno-ekonomiczno-politycznej. Ostatnie lata przyniosły lub restaurowały szereg pytań badawczych dla politologów, zajmujących się zarówno teorią jak i praktyką funkcjonowania systemów demokracji liberalnej. Coraz bardziej natarczywa staje się teza, iż w naszym kontekście cywilizacyjnym demokracja liberalna znajduje się „na zakręcie” (oczywiście już nie pierwszym). Coraz liczniejsza staje się grupa państw, które kwestionują aksjologiczne, normatywne i instytucjonalne podstawy demokracji liberalnej. Narastają liczne pęknięcia i sprzeczności targające społecznościami – z etykiety – demokratycznymi, obywatelskimi, liberalnymi. Potęgują się napięcia w ramach struktury własnościowej, dystrybucji i redystrybucji dóbr, zarówno wewnątrzsystemowe jak i międzyregionalne (vide: kapitalizm peryferyjny). Narasta nieufność do polityki, polityków, władzy, elit, mediów oraz samej demokracji, jako systemu (vide: demokracja liberalna, jako wróg). Stąd pierwsza część poniższych artykułów stawia pytania: o charakter, stan, kondycję współczesnych demokracji liberalnych.

15

GLOBAL POPULATION MIGRATIONS AS A THREAT TO THE EXISTENCE AND PROPER FUNCTIONING OF CIVIL SOCIETY INSTITUTIONS. SELECTED ISSUES

51%

Radlak K.

Roczniki Administracji i Prawa

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2020

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vol. 1

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issue XX

45-55

PL

Celem autorki artykułu jest podjęcie rozważań na temat istoty społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w kontekście migracji społecznych. W literaturze występuje wiele koncepcji opisu obywatelskości oraz definicji zjawiska migracji ludności, które autorka przytacza w artykule, jednakże założeniem niniejszego opracowania jest skłonienie do refleksji na temat wpływu migracji ludności na realizację praw i obowiązków obywateli. Nie sposób bowiem nie zauważyć ogromnego zasięgu oddziaływania migracji na wiele dziedzin życia, a w szczególności na funkcjonowanie społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. W dzisiejszych czasach nieustannie zachodzą przemiany społeczne oraz gospodarcze powodujące mieszanie się społeczeństwa i oprócz tego, że oczywiście stają się one teoretycznie wspólnotowo ujednolicone, to należy zauważyć, że w praktyce sytuacja społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w poszczególnych państwach staje się coraz bardziej skomplikowana. Migracje ludności należy zatem uznać za czynnik ograniczający obywatela w zakresie jego praw i obowiązków obywatelskich, bez których instytucja społeczeństwa obywatelskiego upada.

EN

The aim of the article’s author is to reflect on the essence of civil society in the context of social migration. There are many concepts in the literature on the description of citizenship and the definition of the phenomenon of population migration, which the author cites in the article, however, the assumption of this publication is to induce reflection on the impact of population migration on the implementation of citizens’ rights and obligations. It is impossible not to notice the huge range of impact of migration on many areas of life, and in particular on the functioning of civil society. Nowadays, social and economic changes are constantly occurring, causing society to mix, and in addition to the fact that they obviously become theoretically unified in the community, it should be noted that in practice the situation of civil society in individual countries is becoming increasingly complicated. Migration of the population should therefore be considered as a factor limiting the citizen in terms of his civil rights and obligations, without which the institution of civil society collapses.

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