Search results

1

„PAŃSTWO ISLAMSKIE” I JEGO WPŁYW NA AKTUALNE BEZPIECZEŃSTWO MIĘDZYNARODOWE

100%

MACHNIAK A.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2016

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issue 4(14)

127-140 (15)

EN

The Islamic State was established as a result of many political, social and economic factors. It is currently the strongest terrorist structure in the world, which has support among the Islamic community across the globe. IS is a creation, which destabilizes the situation in the Middle East and threatens international security. Only the creation of a single international coalition sharing a common military and political policy against the IS can lead to the neutralization of this threat.

2

MISJA RESOLUTE SUPPORT W AFGANISTANIE – CELE I SPOSÓB REALIZACJI

100%

MACHNIAK A.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2018

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issue 2(16)

41-55 (15)

EN

Mission “Resolute Support” began on 1 January 2015 after the 13 years of the ISAF operation. Resolute Support is intended to support the Afghan army and the preparation of the local headquarters of the security forces and institutions subordinate to the Ministry of National Defense and the Ministry of the Interior for independent action. It is now probably the last stage of preparing Afghanistan for autonomous action. International consultants play a key role on achieving the mission. Resolute Support is for Afghanistan forces responsible for efforts to launch independent efforts and the fight against the Taliban. Support for the Afghan security forces must be carried out with the help of the international coalition.

3

Freedom of coalition of employed and not employed workers

100%

Szewczyk H.

Studia Prawnicze

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2010

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issue 2(184)

117-133

EN

One of indisputable freedoms of labor unions is the freedom of coalition. Under Labor Unions Act, full right to coalition consists of: freedom to establish labor unions and freedom to join existing labor unions. In Poland some social and labor groups were deprived of the freedom of coalition (full or even limited), which is not consistent with international and European law. Granting them at least limited right of coalition would correspond to art. 1 of the Labor Union Act that defines labor unions as organizations of people who perform work, not only those who are employed. Thus, the law-maker’s actions should aim at expanding the subjective scope of the freedom of coalition through abolition of numerous restrictions related to that freedom in order to adjust Polish national solutions in that area to international and European law. Still not all entitled persons use the freedom of coalition in full, or even limited scope.

4

Social Network Analysis as a research method in political science. An attempt to use it in coalition research

88%

Żukiewicz P., Zieliński M., Domagała K.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2018

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issue 4

39-50

EN

The main aim of the article is to argue the need for better focus of researchers conducting their research in the field of political science on some digital analytical tools used in social network analyses. Additional objectives are to outline the historical context of SNA’s development in this discipline, as well as to present possible fields of exploration and using of this method, both in basic and in applied research. Particular attention was paid to the potential of SNA in the study of the processes of cabinet coalitions formation, as well as to the important limitations of this method. The article was constructed as a methodological essay. We inevitably accept - because of its focus on network analyses a structural perspective on social reality. We verify the hypothesis that the greatest potential of SNA could be currently to create a visualization of social relations based on large data sets, but at the same time the most important barrier to the development of the method are limitations in the access to these data, which could be used as a basic analytical material for visualization of the network and generalization of the statistical conclusions. Presenting some political science research in Poland and around the world, in which SNA tools are used, we used the historical as well as the case study method.

5

The Manifestation of Ideology in the Metaphors used by Kenyan Politician Raila Odinga

88%

Mang’eni L., Schroeder H.

Language, Discourse & Society

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2023

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vol. 11

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issue 1

143-158

EN

Ideologies are shared via language. Language on the other hand, forms the raw material for dispensing ideology since it is invested by ideology, (Fairclough, 1995:73). According to Wodak (2021), the manifestation of ideology in language is evident in metaphors as well as other forms of linguistic features like lexical meanings, presuppositions, implicatures and coherence. Ideological discourses could be political, religious, economic or social. CMT with reference to Lakoff and Johnson (1980/2003), advanced by Kovecses (2002, 2009, 2010, 2020) have been used for analysis. This paper analyses metaphors that depict the ideology of the popular Kenyan Politician Raila Odinga. His political discourse especially during general elections is characterized by metaphoric language. The key argument in this paper is that, metaphors could manifest ideologies in discourse. Findings indicate that Raila Odinga uses varied metaphors presented in four ideological concepts namely: the socio-democratic ideology; the ideology of conflicts; the savior ideology and the ideology of fear. The socio-democratic ideology projects Raila’s organization of all leaders from various political parties under one coalition that front him as the presidential candidate. The philosophy of solidarity is that all political parties and their leaders have an equal chance to proof themselves as suited for the top seat. Also, Raila projects Kenya in a socio-economic crises and he presents himself as the savior. He therefore calls himself the savior via the biblical Joshua’s metaphor. The one who successfully led the children of Israel to the land flowing with milk and honey. He also spells fear to his opponents once elected in office and he projects the ideology of fear via weather pattern metaphor. He talks of dark clouds, heavy rains and a cyclone that would spell doom for opponents. This paper is a single case study, which is extracting practical data in solving human made phenomena. It is acceptable in the social science and science disciplines. In depth verbatim data has been analyzed both at the surface and deep level to explain how metaphors manifest ideology in the contemporary Kenyan political context, (Zainal 2007; Schoch 2020).

6

Umowa poparcia dla rządu mniejszościowego – zagrożenie dla demokracji westminsterskiej? Przypadek brytyjskiego porozumienia Partii Konserwatywnej i Demokratycznej Partii Unionistycznej z 2017 roku

88%

Żukiewicz P.

Studia Politologiczne

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2018

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vol. 47

54-67

EN

The article is an attempt of a theoretical reflection on the agreements signed by two parties, with different relevance in political systems, in order to create a base of support for a minority government. The author try to answer the question whether such an agreement – in terms of transparency of a political system – is functional or dysfunctional for the stability of the Westminster democracy. He analyses the case of the 2017 agreement between the Conservative Party and Democratic Unionist Party using some system analysis and content analysis techniques. He concludes that in the case of the United Kingdom the process of forming an informal coalition in order to support the Theresa May’s minority government was typical for the democratic system, but the transactional nature of the agreement brought the British political system closer to patron-client patterns.

7

THE CHANGING BRITISH POLITICAL SYSTEM

75%

Ronek G.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2014

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vol. 43

164-190

EN

The British political system is unusual in many aspects. First of all, Britain lacks a written constitution. The country’s political system has long appeared a model of stability in a changing world. It should be noted that European integration has had a considerable impact on the British political system. However, the election of Tony Blair government in 1997 was a starting point towards serious constitutional reforms. One of the most important was the devolution and The House of Lords reform. Apart from it Human Rights and Freedom of Information Act were introduced. In 2000 a directly elected mayor of London was elected. In 2010 a coalition government was established with David Cameron as the Prime Minister from the Conservative Party. The second were the Liberal Democrats. This coalition in itself was unusual in Britain’s post-war history. The set of changes in the British political system was an important part of the coalition agreement. The first stage was The Parliamentary Voting System and Constituencies Act 2011 which provided for a referendum on the voting system for UK Parliament and reduced the number of constituencies. The second was The Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011 which set the date of the next general election as 7th May 2015 and on the first Thursday in every fifth year thereafter. There are only two circumstances when early elections can be held. The Monarch no longer dissolves Parliament, but the Act does not affect her/his power to prorogue Parliament. In 2011 proposed reforms to the royal succession were also announced. They changed the rules of succession and the first-born child of a monarch would be heir apparent regardless of gender. Apart from it there were plans to reform the House of Lords again. Its current serving members were to be replaced by a semi-elected house of as few as 300 members (240 elected and 60 appointed). The plans failed, because they did not gain acceptance. Constitutional changes since 1997 have been extensive, but there was no holistic view on the reform process. Nowadays the country faces the possible separation of Scotland, which could lead to the breakup of the United Kingdom. It could be a revolutionary change of the British political system. However, there are close links between Scotland and the rest of the country and in all probability the status quo will prevail.

8

Internationalization of Social Movements in the Czech Republic: The Case of the Anti-Temelín Campaign

63%

Císař O.

Polish Sociological Review

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2008

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vol. 161

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issue 1

89-102

EN

The article analyzes different types of coalition formations that were established and hoped to be established during the transnationally coordinated campaign against the second Czech nuclear power plant in Temelín. The case study concentrates on the role the EU played in the campaign. Due to the ongoing accession process, the opponents of the power plant viewed this process as a unique opportunity for halting the plant’s construction. They actively lobbied the European Commission to make the Czech Republic’s accession to the EU conditional on discontinuing the construction. The perceived significance of the EU explains the political strategies the opponents developed at the end of the 1990s, in order to persuade the European Commission to become involved in the campaign.

9

Party Behavior and the Formation of Minority Governments – Experiences in Denmark

63%

Radek R.

Political Preferences

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2015

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issue 11

107-124

EN

In many modern democracies, the leaders who make important influential political decisions are highly likely to be party politicians or indeed party leaders. Very often they cannot prepare an adequate strategy for their political parties because it is usually impossible to find out all necessary elements for projecting the goals. It is not surprising that political parties are the most important organizations in modern politics and in the contemporary world, only a few states do without them. The reason that political parties are well-nigh ubiquitous is that they perform functions that are valuable to many political actors. Political parties play a major role in the recruitment of top politicians, on whom the momentous and painful political decisions often fall. With very few exceptions, political chief executives are elected on the slate of some established political party, and very often the head of government continues to serve as the head of the political party that propelled him or her into office. Democracy may be conceived as a process by which voters delegate policy-making authority to a set of representatives, and political parties are the main organizational vehicle by which such delegation takes place. The main aim of this article is focus on the minority government, which are especially common in the Scandinavian countries. They can be more easily formed and maintained where the party system makes it difficult to secure support for an alternative majority coalition to be formed, a vote of investiture is not required, and a government can stay in office unless there is an absolute majority against it. In the article will be emphasized some case studies of Denmark minority government formation and durability. General findings will be confronted with empirical data, which will allow to formulate conclusions about the specific of minority cabinet in Denmark.

10

Rob Johnson, Janne Haaland Matlary (ed.), The United Kingdom’s Defence after Brexit. Britain’s alliances, coalitions, and partnership, Wydawnictwo Palgrave Macmillan, Cham 2019, ss. 261

63%

Pietrasik K.

Facta Simonidis

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2021

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vol. 14

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issue 1

331-334

PL

Recenzja: Rob Johnson, Janne Haaland Matlary (ed.), The United Kingdom’s Defence after Brexit. Britain’s alliances, coalitions, and partnership, Wydawnictwo Palgrave Macmillan, Cham 2019, ss. 261

11

Флоркросинг: особливості партійних перестрибувань в Україні

51%

Розік М.

Studia Orientalne

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2022

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issue 4(24)

56-70

RU

В статье рассматривается значение термина «флоркросинг», его основные виды, законодательное регулирование и особенности смены партий в Украине за годы ее независимости. Выяснено, что флоркросинг, смена политических ориентаций и, как следствие, корректировка предвыборных обещаний, реальность, с которой столкнулся украинский политик. Флоркросинг в украинском парламенте стал явлением, которое изменило коалиции, породило оппортунизм и политическую коррупцию. Установлено, что в современной практике возможны два способа воздействия на процесс межпартийных переключений: законодательный запрет или чисто формальное осуждение действий депутата/ партии со стороны электората и членов партии. Для уменьшения количества переключений между фракциями в Украине существует так называемый императивный мандат (особая его версия). Он распространяется только на депутатов, избранных по спискам политических партий. Следовательно, проблема заключается в частичном законодательном регулировании проблемы «флоркросинга», что должно быть закреплено в новых нормативных актах. Это приобретает особое значение в условиях российской военной агрессии и возможной подрывной деятельности пророссийских политиков, деятельность которых должна быть исключена такими законодательными актами. Любые попытки дискредитировать страну со стороны депутатов, заигрывая с агрессором, должны иметь правовые последствия и возможность для электората влиять на избираемого политика. Выявлено, что частая смена партий дискредитирует избирательно-парламентскую систему, показывает недостатки в подборе личностей и причинах их ухода в политику; кроме того, это также может указывать на силу или слабость политических партий. Доказано, что чрезмерные и непрозрачные мотивированные переходы депутатов с каждым новым созывом становятся все более редкими, что свидетельствует о положительной тенденции качественного отбора кандидатов в депутаты из числа членов партии. Окончательное закрепление пропорциональной системы с открытыми списками в Избирательном кодексе и законодательное регулирование межпартийной/межфракционной смены должно стать основой качественного депутатского состава и приверженности декларируемым политическим идеям.

EN

The paper considers the meaning of the term “floor-crossing”, its basic kinds, legislative regulation and features of party switching in Ukraine since its independence. It has been found out that crossing the floor, change of political orientations and, as a consequence, adjustment of pre-election promises, the reality the Ukrainian politician face. Floor crossing in the Ukrainian Parliament has become a phenomenon that altered coalitions, generated opportunism and political corruption. It has been established that in modern practice there are two possible ways of influencing the process of inter-party switching: a legislative ban or a purely formal condemnation of the deputy’s/party’s actions on the part of the electorate and party members. To reduce the number of switching between factions, Ukraine has a so-called imperative mandate (a special version of it). It applies only to the deputies who are elected from the lists of political parties. Consequently, the problem lies in the partial legislative regulation of the problem of “floor-crossing”, which should be enshrined in new regulations /normative acts/. This acquires particular significance in the context of Russian military aggression and possible subversive activity of pro-Russian politicians, whose activities should be ruled out by such legislative acts. Any attempts to discredit the country on the part of deputies, making advances to the aggressor, should have legal consequences and the possibility for the electorate to influence the politician being elected. It has been found that frequent party switching discredits electoral and parliamentary system and shows flaws in the selection of personalities and why they go into politics; in addition, it can also indicate the strength or weakness of political parties. It has been proven that excessive and nontransparent motivated floor-crossing of deputies is becoming rarer with each new convocation, indicating a positive trend in the qualitative selection of candidates for deputies among party members. The final consolidation of the proportional system with open lists in the Electoral Code and the legislative regulation of inter-party/inter-factional switching should be the basis of qualitative deputy composition and commitment to declared political ideas.

12

Bezpieczeństwo energetyczne w polityce rządu koalicji PiS, LPR i Samoobrony (2005–2007) oraz rządu Beaty Szydło – analiza porównawcza

51%

Piziak-Rapacz A.

Bezpieczeństwo. Teoria i Praktyka

|

2016

|

issue 1

149-160

PL

Niniejsze opracowanie składa się z dwóch części. Pierwsza opisuje strategię rządu koalicji Prawa i Sprawiedliwości (PiS), Ligii Polskich Rodzin (LPR) i Samoobrony w latach 2005– 2007 wobec sektora energetycznego. Program wyborczy PiS jako główny cel względem sektora energetycznego wskazał kwestię dywersyfikacji kierunków dostaw surowców energetycznych do Polski, m.in.: dostawy gazu z Norwegii, projekt terminalu gazu skroplonego LNG oraz projekt gazociągu Sarmackiego. Zrezygnowano natomiast z pomysłu gazociągu Aleksandra Gudzowatego Bernau–Szczecin. Druga część tekstu analizuje perspektywy rynku energetycznego w Polsce po wyborach w październiku 2015 r., które wygrała partia Prawo i Sprawiedliwość. Uzyskana większość głosów pozwala jej samodzielne sprawować rządy w państwie. Celem publikacji jest wskazanie głównych założeń jej strategii bezpieczeństwa energetycznego Polski.

EN

This study consists of two parts. The first describes the strategy of the coalition of Law and Justice (PiS), the League of Polish Families (LPR) and Self-Defense in 2005–2007 towards the energy sector. Law and Justice’s election program chose as its priority the issue of diversification of energy supplies to Poland, for example the gas supply from Norway, the LNG terminal project and the Sarmatian pipeline project. However, it abandoned Aleksander Gudzowaty’s project for the construction of the Bernau-Szczecin gaspipeline. The second part analyzes the prospects of the energy market in Poland after the elections in October 2015, won by PiS (Law and Justice). As the party holds the majority in the Polish Parliament, it does not need to form any coalition to rule independently. The resulting majority allows it to self-govern the country. The purpose of the paper is to identify the main objectives of the Polish energy security strategy.

13

Integracja środowisk samorządowych w województwie podkarpackim na przykładzie Inicjatywy Społecznej „Wspólnota Samorządowa” w 2002 roku

51%

Szczepański D.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2022

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vol. 20

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issue 2

176-195

EN

The aim of the paper was to analyse the process of integration of self-governmental communities in the Podkarpackie voivodeship, taking into account three levels: macro (general integration concepts on the national level), micro (referring to local politicians involved in this process) and mezo (taking into account organisational aspects of the entities in question). Integration of self-governmental circles was explained in two dimensions: organisational – encompassing various political entities (parliamentary, selfgovernmental, social, etc.), as well as programmatic, serving the realisation of a specific vision of development of Podkarpackie voivodeship and referring to a specific system of values. The following questions were used to realise the research objective: with what methods was the electoral agreement intended to be achieved? With which political entities was it intended to create an electoral coalition? Was it a self-government or political initiative?

PL

Celem poznawczym artykułu była analiza procesu integracji środowisk samorządowych w województwie podkarpackim z uwzględnieniem trzech poziomów: makro (ogólnych koncepcji integracyjnych na poziomie ogólnopolskim), mikro (odnoszących się do zaangażowanych w ten proces polityków lokalnych) i mezo (uwzględniających aspekty organizacyjne omawianych podmiotów). Wyjaśnieniu poddano integrację środowisk samorządowych w dwóch wymiarach: organizacyjnym – obejmującym różnorodne podmioty polityczne (parlamentarne, samorządowe, społeczne), a także programowym, służącym urzeczywistnieniu konkretnej wizji rozwoju województwa podkarpackiego oraz odnoszącym się do określonego systemu wartości. Do realizacji celu badawczego posłużyły następujące pytania: Jakimi metodami zamierzano osiągnąć porozumienie wyborcze? Z jakimi podmiotami politycznymi zamierzano stworzyć koalicję wyborczą? Czy była to inicjatywa o charakterze samorządowym czy politycznym?

14

Етнополітичні процеси у Словаччині (1989–1995 рр.)

45%

Almashiy V.

The International Relations of Ukraine: Scientific Searches and Findings

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2023

|

issue 32

202-219

EN

This article provides the first overview in Ukrainian historiography of the preconditions, emergencу, establishment and initiation of the activities of a political entity representing the Ukrainian population of the Slovak Republic – the Podduklianske Democratic Community (hereinafter referred to as the PDC, original name: Podduklianske Civic Forum). The PDC collaborated with the Regional Government in Prešov, primarily in the socio-economic sphere, and outlined the party’s objectives. The PDC is aimed to address political, economic, social, and national-cultural issues of the Ukrainian population in the Prešov region. At the same time, there is a recognition of the increased political activity of representatives of the Hungarian national minority in Slovakia, resulting in the formation of Hungarian political parties in Slovakia, which emerged immediately after the collapse of the communist regime. It is noted that Hungarian political entities in Slovakia had their representatives in Parliament as a result of the elections in 1990, 1992, and 1994, which allowed them to actively participate in the political life of the state. The positive aspect of the activities of Hungarian political parties in Slovakia was that different party platforms did not prevent them from creating an electoral coalition. It is mentioned that the Roma community was also represented at the level of the Slovak national and regional political arena. However, Roma political parties failed to gain significant electoral support and representation in the Slovak Parliament.

UK

У статті вперше в українській історіографії висвітлюються передумови, зародження, утворення й започаткування роботи політичного суб’єкта українського населення Словацької Республіки – Піддуклянської демократичної громади (початкова назва – Піддуклянський громадянський форум), вказуються завдання партії. ПДГ орієнтувала свою діяльність на розв’язання політично-економічних, соціальних, національно-культурних проблем українського населення Пряшівщини. Одночасно констатується активізація політичної діяльності представників угорської національної меншини, наслідком чого стало утворення угорських політичних партій у Словаччині, які почали виникати відразу після розпаду комуністичного режиму. Відзначається, що угорські політичні суб’єкти у Словаччині, в результаті виборів 1990, 1992, 1994 рр., мали своїх представників у парламенті, що давало їм можливість брати активну участь у політичному житті держави. Вказується на те, що на рівні словацького загальнодержавного та регіонального політикуму була представлена також ромська спільнота. Проте ромським політичним партіям так і не вдалося здобути вагомої підтримки електорату й бути представленими у словацькому парламенті.

Refine search results

„PAŃSTWO ISLAMSKIE” I JEGO WPŁYW NA AKTUALNE BEZPIECZEŃSTWO MIĘDZYNARODOWE

MISJA RESOLUTE SUPPORT W AFGANISTANIE – CELE I SPOSÓB REALIZACJI

Freedom of coalition of employed and not employed workers

Social Network Analysis as a research method in political science. An attempt to use it in coalition research

The Manifestation of Ideology in the Metaphors used by Kenyan Politician Raila Odinga

Umowa poparcia dla rządu mniejszościowego – zagrożenie dla demokracji westminsterskiej? Przypadek brytyjskiego porozumienia Partii Konserwatywnej i Demokratycznej Partii Unionistycznej z 2017 roku

THE CHANGING BRITISH POLITICAL SYSTEM

Internationalization of Social Movements in the Czech Republic: The Case of the Anti-Temelín Campaign

Party Behavior and the Formation of Minority Governments – Experiences in Denmark

Rob Johnson, Janne Haaland Matlary (ed.), The United Kingdom’s Defence after Brexit. Britain’s alliances, coalitions, and partnership, Wydawnictwo Palgrave Macmillan, Cham 2019, ss. 261

Флоркросинг: особливості партійних перестрибувань в Україні

Bezpieczeństwo energetyczne w polityce rządu koalicji PiS, LPR i Samoobrony (2005–2007) oraz rządu Beaty Szydło – analiza porównawcza

Integracja środowisk samorządowych w województwie podkarpackim na przykładzie Inicjatywy Społecznej „Wspólnota Samorządowa” w 2002 roku

Етнополітичні процеси у Словаччині (1989–1995 рр.)