Search results - CEJSH

1

Kościół katolicki wobec pamięci zbiorowej Polaków. Ciągłość i zmiana

100%

Stachowiak P.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2012

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issue 3

135-146

EN

The paper attempts to present the leading objectives and motives of the ‘Church’s policy of memory’ before and after 1989. The author states that, like many other institutions of public life, the Catholic Church implements its own policy to shape the collective memory of Poles, both in terms of legitimization and content. At the time of the Polish People’s Republic, the first and foremost objective of the ‘Church’s memory policy’ was to counteract the activities of the communist authorities, which were carrying out a project to restrict the Church’s influence to the narrowly understood field of the priesthood and which ultimately aimed at the atheization of Polish society. The emphasis on the historical symbiosis of Polishness and Catholicism served the purpose of defending the traditional form of Polish religiousness and providing the Church with social support in the struggle to maintain the public dimension of its influence. Despite the change in language, the present objective of the Church’s historical narration appears similar: to oppose these aspects of secularization trends that drive the Church away from public space and so intensifying the phenomenon of the privatization of faith. Whether in the past or present, the Church’s vision of the past is to secure its own stability as an institution and retain the role of a significant factor contributing to the national and state conscience of Poles.

2

Theoretical and methodological discussion on social and cultural memory in international perspective

94%

Nycz G.

Central European Papers

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2020

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vol. 8

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issue 2

45-64

EN

The following text is centered on theory and methodology of memory studies in international perspective. The text explains the differences between focus and scope of various approaches to memory studies, those relying mostly on collective experience, those discovering cultural memory and the approach centered on the social dimension of the latter. The aim of the paper is to give a short introduction to key research accomplishments in the area of memory studies and to present short account on the critically disputed important international cases of high importance of memory in world politics. The paper presents various methodological paths to study memory as a part of social, cultural and collective experience, focusing on current international discussions regarding how past may impact present global relations. The presented methodological orientations are both contributing to better understanding of the construction of the past in public/ social area and to the knowledge on conscious efforts of controlling the selected chapters of history to serve the national (or ideological) purpose.

3

Historycy i historia wobec pamięci. Refleksje na marginesie wielkich dyskusji

94%

Ruchniewicz M.

Filoteknos

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2021

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issue 11

299-314

PL

Badania historyków nad wyobrażeniami i sądami różnych grup i wspólnot (w tym narodowych) na temat ich przeszłości w ostatnich dziesięcioleciach dynamicznie się rozwinęły. Centralne miejsce zajmują w nich kwestie związane z pamięcią, przekazem doświadczenia młodszym generacjom czy odgórnego modelowania pamięcią zbiorową. Inspiracją – podobnie jak w przypadku socjologów czy kulturoznawców – były prace Maurice’a Halbwachsa i Pierre’a Nory. Rozwój tych badań wiązał się z kryzysem tradycyjnej historiografii i wpływem ogólnych przemian w naukach humanistycznych. Zainteresowania te łączyły się z analizami ruchów narodowych i klasowych, w których tworzenie i upowszechnianie tożsamości grupowej odgrywało naczelną rolę. Istotny jest także kontekst społeczny funkcjonowania historiografii, który uwypukla dysonans między rzekomo obiektywną, pozbawioną emocji historią naukowców a „historią przeżywaną/żywą” reszty społeczeństwa. Nierzadko historia jako nauka oraz pamięć historyczna (zbiorowa) postrzegane są wręcz jako konkurenci. Zauważalny wpływ otoczenia społecznego i politycznego na kształt pamięci o przeszłości wiedzie do realizowania różnych polityk historycznych (polityk pamięci), w czym udział bierze także państwo. Stosunek historyków do tych działań jest zróżnicowany. Podkreślane są obawy związane z upowszechnianiem zmitologizowanych wizji przeszłości narodowej, które byłyby sprzeczne ze stanem badań (historią). Z drugiej strony wielu historyków uważa za właściwe współdziałanie w umacnianiu narodowej wspólnoty poprzez edukację historyczną i określone praktyki upamiętniania. Pozyskiwania i zabezpieczania świadectw autobiograficznych jest ważnym obszarem działania współczesnych historyków.

4

HISTORIA – PAMIĘĆ – LITERATURA.O KILKU ASPEKTACH TRUDNEGO ZWIĄZKU

94%

Twardy E.

Rocznik Przemyski

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2017

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vol. 53

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issue 2(21): Literatura i Język

15-24

XX

The article discusses the most representative theories and views regarding collective memory and its relations with literature. As literary studies have not yet developed appropriate research methods and the relevant academic reflection refers to the terminology and the system of notions developed by related sciences, the author starts her discussion from presenting classical theories by Maurice Halbwachs, Jacques Le Goff, Hayden White and Paul Ricoeur. In this perspective it is easy to notice that literature may be perceived as a medium of memory or a means of its formation. The second part of the text is devoted to the relations between literature and memory as seen by Ansgar Nünning and Astrid Erll, who distinguished three basic categories: memory of literature, memory in literature and literature as a medium of memory. The reflection on their findings allows to treat literature as an integral part of memory culture.

5

Priestor a pamäť. Spomienky pracovníkov nemocnice v Topoľčanoch

94%

Janto J.

Český lid: etnologický časopis (Český lid: Ethnological journal)

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2021

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vol. 108

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issue 1

3-28

EN

The author deals with the importance of memories in connection with historical buildings and sites. The theoretical framework of the study is the concept of space and place (mostly in approach of S. Low) and collective memory (M. Halbwachs). Abstract space is transformed through human activities, interpersonal relationships, communication, memories, etc. into a known place with sense and specific meanings for certain people. Collective memory (the social representation of the past) plays an important role in this process of change. On the other hand, the memories are bound to a certain place, that is to say they are spatially anchored. In this study, the author observes what memories are related to the buildings and the site of the old hospital in Topoľčany. His informants were its former employees, doctors and nurses and the main method used was ethnographic semi-structured interview.

6

About Women in Conflicts and Wars: Theories of Violence and Collective Memory

94%

Kuźma I. B., Pietrzak E.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2019

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vol. 1 (48)

49-64

EN

The article deals with the subject of relations between theories of violence and the category of collective memory in relation to women’s war stories. The text introduces the issue of war and conflict, understanding the theory of violence, the category of collective memory and female war narratives, as well as the ways of their political interpretation. The interpretation is crucial because of method used in the research, meaning hermeneutics, but also because of the, presented here, perspective of polyphony.

7

Prasa polska i niemiecka o czterdziestej rocznicy wizyty kanclerza Willy’ego Brandta w Warszawie

94%

Kasztelan M.

Przegląd Zachodni

|

2012

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issue 3(344)

184-194

EN

The article analyzes the journalistic content of the Polish and German press on the 40th anniversary of Chancellor Willy Brandt’s gesture at the Monument to the Heroes of the Ghetto in Warsaw. The published texts are studied in the aspect of constructing collective memory with the Chancellor’s kneeling down perceived as a “locus of memory”. The focus of the article is on the fact that the periodicals, depending on their ideological orientation, draw attention to different aspects of the event from forty years ago.

8

Transnational History of Victimhood Nationalism – On the Transpacific Space

94%

Lim J.-H.

Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica

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2014

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issue 13

19-30

EN

The Author explores the problem of nationalism in a specific context, which he calls “victimhood nationalism” and defines as competing collective memories for the position of victims. Victimhood nationalism is used by nations as well as individuals to gain the position of “victimized” in international context and in this way justify the acts of violence committed by those very nations or individuals against the others. Victimhood nationalism engages whole nations in a specific international competition, which adds to the phenomenon of nationalism a “transnational” dimension. The Author illustrates his ideas by examples from the WWII, particularly history of Japan and Korea but also Germany, Austria and Poland.

9

Przełomowe lata 1988-1989 w polityce pamięci Kościoła katolickiego w Polsce

94%

Stachowiak P.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2014

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issue 3(352)

115-129

EN

In the Church’s narration on the transformations of the end of the 1980s there is a noticeable disproportion between the actual role of representatives of the Church during the crisis of 1988-1989 and later accounts of their activity. The Church emphasizes its involvement in the process of contesting the communist system but rather does not give prominence to its activity during the proceedings of the Round Table and the contractual elections. This stance follows from the new situation in which the Church found itself after 1989 and ensuing adaptation problems. For various reasons which are discussed in the text, its representatives developed a specific “politics of memory” that includes a formula of the Church – full of goodwill but betrayed and cheated – as a witness of the decisive events of the end of the 1980s. This is done at the cost of distorting the image of those events and is connected first and foremost with goals of an immediate nature.

10

Rodząca się czeska tożsamość narodowa a męska pozycja społeczna

94%

Filipowicz M.

Slavia Occidentalis

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2013

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issue 70/2

37-55

PL

The article focuses on the issue of the relationship between emerging Czech national identity and male social leadership in the 19th century. The article deals with the question of male social representation related to prestige that Czech literary discourse tried to elaborate. The article concerns the attitude towards hegemonic masculinity linked to Austrian structures of power and of Germanic culture. This issue has been explored on the example of prose created by male authors originating in the period of increased national agitation which lasted from approximately the 1830s to the end of the 1870s. Focusing on reconstructions of collective normative imaginations based on literary texts is, however, insufficient. There is agreement, but also the difference between imaginatinggs, and their implementation. Therefore, literary patterns related to the social position of the Czech male patriot were confronted with the image of their “reality” preserved in Czech memoirs of the 19th century.

11

The Function of Collective Memory in the Creation of a New Nation in Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o’s A Grain of Wheat

94%

Celik G. K.

Reality of Politics

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2022

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issue 19

54-63

EN

This paper aims to share a story of Kenya narrated by Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o’s A Grain of Wheat and analyse its narrative in accordance with Ernest Renan’s article entitled “What is a Nation?” to reveal a part of its journey from their dependence on the British colonial rule to their independence. The whole novel is anchored in the collective memories of some of the Kenyans, describing what they have undergone so far under the British colonial rule and how they have gained their independence with the help of the Mau Mau freedom fighters who mostly sacrifice their own life for their nation’s peace and liberation. This collective memory helps them get together to remember their past and build their present for their future and at this point Thiong’o’s novel seems to echo Renan’s arguments focusing on the basics of the nation. As Renan states in the article, embracing the past memories, accepting all the stories of sacrifice and devotion as well as their own suffering, holding a common and strong will for the present and building the future by punishing the traitors as an example for the others who might think of betraying their togetherness and unity are all the requirements to be fulfilled to create a new nation and Thiong’o’ appears to apply each of them to be sure that they eventually have their own independent nation.

12

SOCJOLOGIA EMOCJI: Pamięć – mniejszości vs większości – czyli do kogo należy przeszłość (na przykładzie Kaszubów)

94%

Mazurek-Janasik M.

Miscellanea Anthropologica et Sociologica

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2016

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vol. 17(4)

95-106

PL

Ostatnio zarówno w naukach społecznych, jak i humanistycznych można zauważyć bardzoduże zainteresowanie pamięcią, w tym pamięcią zbiorową. Zasadniczą kwestią, którąchcę przedstawić w niniejszym tekście, jest ukazanie relacji pomiędzy pamięcią opowiadanąz hegemonicznego punktu widzenia dominującej większości a mniejszością, którejopowieść o przeszłych wydarzeniach niekoniecznie musi być/jest spójna z tą wersją. Ponadtonależy się zastanowić, do kogo pamięć należy, czyja jest pamięć zbiorowa, kto – jeśliw ogóle – odpowiada za to, co pamiętamy (ale też i za to, czego pamiętać nie chcemy/nie musimy). Historia oddolna czy też subaltern (podrzędnych) jest równorzędną historiąw czasach demokracji, w czasach, gdy naród stał się społeczeństwem obywateli. Historięma naród, pamięć ma społeczeństwo. Równie ważne są miejsca pamięci (lieu de mémoire),których znaczenie podkreśla Pierre Nora (1974, 2011) (por. Szpociński 2008).

13

SOCIOLOGY OF EMOTIONS: Collective Memory – Who owns the past?

94%

Mazurek-Janasik M.

Miscellanea Anthropologica et Sociologica

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2016

|

vol. 17(4)

95-106

EN

When defining memory, we may look at it as a multiphase process or as a quality of a particularperson. What is most interesting is the fact that several individuals might have different memories of the same event. Past events, significant ones (or perceived as such)from the point of view of a community, become part of the oral or written history. It isnot important for memories to be based on actual events, just that the community sharesa belief in their authenticity. This same mechanism applies to their interpretation: it isonly important that a community interprets events in the same way. This is one of thecrucial elements bonding the community together. Collective memory is a part of cultureand it uses its own criterion for truth: true is what society decides to be true, not necessarilywhat is true according to historical facts. Collective memory involves two psychologicalmechanisms which are worth exploring: the subjective interpretation of events andthe collective system of meanings. Ethnic minorities create their own concepts of socialworlds, and they also create specific interpretations of historical events. It must be notedthat in modern times, when minorities do not live in isolated enclaves, they must maintainequilibrium between two worlds: their own and the one of the dominant group. The dominantmajority has at its disposal the public and mandatory educational system, as well asthe media and cultural institutions, often subsidized by the state. It is in the interest of theminority to reach a situation in which it can in its own culture.

14

(Kolektivní) paměť v exilové poezii Antonína Brouska

94%

Antosikova L.

Studia Slavica

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2014

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vol. 18

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issue 2

87-96

EN

Collective memory of a community is the background of the individual perception of reality and it shapes the capacity of the individual to understand the world around. This relation which is fundamentally connected to the mother tongue as the medium of communication gets disputable in the moment of emigration. An exiled writer has to face a decision whether to adhere to the mother tongue or to accept the language of the new community. Nevertheless, the loss of the original community is likely to cause certain damage to his hitherto existing self-concept, and further positioning inside the previous (or the new) community, as well as their collective memories, have major impact on the new “migrant” identity of the writer. Antonín Brousek decided to adhere to the mother tongue in his poetry, he drew inspiration from Czech collective memory and referred to it in most of his exile writing. To what degree were his self-concept and the related leitmotiv of solitude in foreign environment shaped by this decision, I demonstrate in the present paper.

15

O rodzinnej (nie)pamięci. Wojna i nazizm w niemieckiej biograficznej powieści pokoleniowej

94%

Nogal G.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2021

|

issue 4 (381)

99-112

EN

In Dagmar Leupold’s" Nach den Kriegen" and Stephan Wackwitz' "Ein unsichtbares Land", novels of second and third generation, narrators come back to the times of Nazism, Holocaust and wars as the components of family memory. The article focuses on social, especially family conditions of memory. The starting point is the assumption that family conditions exert a significant impact on the construction of memories in the discussed novels. Analysis has shown that both texts markedly transpose the mechanisms of loyalty of family memory transmission, also critically reflecting on them from the perspective of the present. By putting memories in the context of indirect family memory the writers strive for the truth about the past but also adopt an affirmative attitude with regard to its "participants". This attitude certainly derives from the leading humanistic thoughts of western cultures, harmonised with the social, cultural and political system based on democracy and Europeanness

16

„Odsun“ Němců v české vzpomínkové kultuře

94%

Kreisslová S.

Národopisná revue (Journal of Ethnology)

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2016

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vol. 26

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issue 4

284 - 295

EN

The focus of the study is on the issue in what manner the Czech society treats the post-war forcible displacement of Germanspeaking inhabitants. After decades of taboo on the side of Communist regime, opportunities opened up after 1989 to revise the Czech-German coexistence, and gradually the commemorative culture of the “displacement” was formed. The text follows both official political attitudes to the German past, and the public reminding thereof as well as its presentification initiated “from below”. It turns out that especially the commemoration of tragic events related to forcible persecutions of Germans during the so-called wild resettlements becomes a source for the dispute between the different imagines of the past and the all-societal tension; at the same time, however, such acts of collective recollections serve as a means to overcome the traumatic past and be equal with it. The complicated process of facing up to the “displacement” of Germans is illustrates with a particular example of the public reminding of the so-called Brno death march.

17

Literatura jako narzędzie kreowania zbiorowej wyobraźni. August Šenoa i jego czytelnicy

94%

Kaniecka D.

Pamiętnik Słowiański

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2010

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vol. 60

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issue 2

7-34

EN

August Šenoa was regarded by literary historians as the creator of the Croatian public readership. This article aims to present some aspects of the relationship between the author and his reader and prove that Šenoa indeed deserved this a name. The key issue is the relation of the content communicated by the author (the question of national identity) and the needs and limitations of the reader of his era. The subject of the analysis is the category of reader developed in the text as compared to the reader who is the real recipient of the author’s texts in the second half of the nineteenth century. The objectives present in Šenoa’s writings point to the fact that through literature he intended to influence the content of the nation's collective memory and thereby shape the extratextual reality. Presented in the article is also the category of the author - the authority of the era - in order to answer the question of the extent to which Šenoa had the chance to influence the readers' tastes and habits.

18

Byli polscy robotnicy przymusowi w dzisiejszym krajobrazie pamięci. Prawie zapomnieni

94%

Woniak K.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2017

|

issue 1(362)

43-55

EN

The article is an attempt to investigate the scale, form and scope of memory about forced laborers in the Polish symbolic landscape. Emphasis is placed on the analysis of monuments and plaques dedicated to former forced laborers. In the period of the Polish People’s Republic workers were a group of Second World War victims which was too common be given a special place in the collective memory of Poles. Only the creation of the Association of Poles – Victims of the Third Reich at the end of the 1980s opened the space for a symbolic commemoration of the deportation of Poles to forced labor in Germany. An opportunity to incorporate forced labor into the memory of the Second World War came with the debate on reparations from the German government at the beginning of the 21st century. In today’s Poland there are not many places dedicated to those nearly 3 million people who make up this specific group of victims of the German occupation of Poland. Numerous such places were established in the last few years, mainly as part of grassroots initiatives aimed at discovering the local history of a particular area. However, forced labor is still insufficiently present in the Polish memory of the Second World War.

19

Obrazy unii między Wielkim Księstwem Litewskim a Królestwem Polskim w litewskiej pamięci zbiorowej (koniec XIX w. – 1940 r.)

94%

Mačiulis D.

Acta Baltico-Slavica

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2017

|

vol. 41

EN

The images of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Union of the Kingdom of Poland in Lithuanian collective memory (end of the 19th c. – 1940)Since the end of the 19th century the Lithuanian national movement created several narrations about national history, which presented a negative evaluation of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Union of the Kingdom of Poland. Polonization of Lithuania was highlighted as the most negative consequence of these Unions.All unions formed under the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Union of the Kingdom of Poland got negative evaluation in the discourse of Lithuanian nationalism. However, the Union of Lublin was considered to be the greatest harm – it was evaluated as a fatal moment in the Lithuanian history giving rise to the processes of dangerous Lithuanian national ethnic identity loss. The Lithuanian national movement proclaimed cultural and political independence, and declared that the revival of historical ideal of the Unions’ national identity was unacceptable for the Lithuanian nation.When discussing the Lithuanians’ rights to political independence with the Polish public figures and reacting to ambitions of the Polish political figures to restore Poland with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth national borders of 1772, in the Lithuanian press the image of two Unions (usually, the Union of Lublin) was presented as the symbol underlying the Lithuanian national political and cultural dependence. The image of the Union of Lublin was like an obligatory illustration of the Lithuanian nationalism discourse underlining the negative consequences of the union for the Lithuanian nation. It was the Union of Lublin that became the generalized image of all unions and the symbol of Lithuanian political, ethnic, cultural dependence, the memory location underlying the traumatic memory.The initiatives of the Polish public figures to actualize the memories about the unions caused the Lithuanians’ negative response and numerous discussions. A similar situation happened in 1913 when the Polish society mentioned the 500th anniversary of the Herald Union. The celebration of this anniversary was evaluated by Lithuanians as a Polish attempt to revive the political union ideal – as an attempt to make Lithuania a part of Poland. The debates of those times were used by the public figures of the Lithuanian national movement in order to emphasize the orientation of the Lithuanian national movement towards the cultural and political emancipation and underline that the Lithuanians do not accept any idea of state revival reasoned by historical unions.The image of unions in the interwar Lithuania of the 20th century was the most vivid in propagandist discourse during the fights for Lithuanian independence and when trying to restore the historical capital, Vilnius. This image was used as a rhetoric figure of propagandist discourse symbolizing the Lithuanian slavery and a threat of its dependence on Poland. Obrazy unii między Wielkim Księstwem Litewskim a Królestwem Polskim w litewskiej pamięci zbiorowej (koniec XIX w. – 1940 r.)Od końca XIX w. litewski ruch narodowy tworzył narracje historyczne, w których unie między Wielkim Księstwem Litewskim (dalej WKL) a Królestwem Polskim oceniano negatywnie. Za największy negatywny skutek unii uznano polonizację Litwy.W litewskim dyskursie nacjonalistycznym negatywnie oceniono wszystkie unie zawarte między WKL a Królestwem Polskim, jednak jako największe zło traktowano unię lubelską – decydujący punkt w historii Litwy, od którego rozpoczął się groźny proces utraty tożsamości przez naród litewski. Litewski ruch narodowy głosił dążenie do wolności kulturowej i politycznej. Towarzyszyła temu deklaracja, że dla narodu litewskiego nie do przyjęcia jest odrodzenie historycznej unijnej idei państwowości.W toczącej się w prasie litewskiej dyskusji z polskimi działaczami społecznymi o prawach Litwinów do samodzielności politycznej oraz w reakcji na ambicje polskich działaczy społecznych przywrócenia państwowości Polski w granicach Rzeczpospolitej Obojga Narodów z 1772 r., obraz unii (najczęściej lubelskiej) pojawiał się jako symbol zależności politycznej i kulturowej narodu litewskiego. Wizja unii lubelskiej była obowiązkową ilustracją litewskiego dyskursu nacjonalistycznego, świadczącą o negatywnych skutkach unii dla Litwinów. To właśnie unia lubelska stała się uogólnionym obrazem wszystkich unii oraz symbolem niewoli politycznej, narodowej i kulturowej Litwinów, traumatycznym miejscem pamięci.Inicjatywy polskich działaczy, by przywrócić pamięć o uniach, wywoływały negatywną reakcję ze strony Litwinów i rodziły dyskusje. Tak się stało, na przykład, w 1913 r., gdy polskie społeczeństwo obchodziło jubileusz 500. rocznicy unii horodelskiej. Obchody te oceniono jako próbę Polaków ożywienia idei unii politycznej – dążenie do uczynienia z Litwy części Polski. Ówczesne dyskusje działacze litewskiego ruchu narodowego wykorzystali do tego, by podkreślić swoje dążenie do emancypacji kulturowej i politycznej oraz zaznaczenia, że Litwini nie akceptują żadnej idei odrodzenia państwowości, opartej na uniach historycznych.W okresie międzywojennym na Litwie obraz unii najbardziej był dostrzegalny w dyskursie propagandowym w okresie walk o niepodległość Litwy oraz w dążeniu do odzyskania historycznej stolicy Wilna. Obraz ten wykorzystano jako figurę retoryczną dyskursu propagandowego, symbolizującą niewolę Litwy i jej uzależnienie od Polski.

20

Symbolic Construction of “Solidarity:” the Conflict of Interpretations and the Politics of Memory

94%

Hałas E.

Polish Sociological Review

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2010

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vol. 170

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issue 2

219-232

EN

The memory of the “Solidarity” movement, problems of memory and conflicts of memory are analyzed in the contemporary context of the formation of collective identities in Poland. Politics of memory and commemoration are discussed as part of the politics of symbolization. Symbolic construction of “Solidarity” is analyzed on two levels: the symbolism of the organization of collective actions and discursive symbolism-in other words-symbolism in the “Solidarity”movement and the symbolization of the movement. The other aspect implies politics of symbolization, politics of memory and commemoration, conflict of interpretations and conflict about the memory. The “Solidarity” movement has had many meanings and the interpretation of the movement can refer to various frames of meanings: a workers’ revolution, a civil revolution, a movement for national liberation, a movement for religious deprivatization, a moral movement. The multiplicity of meanings has generated conflicts of interpretations. Collective memory is crucial for the phenomenon of “Solidarity” both as a historical movement and as representations in discourses-the symbolic movement of memory.

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