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EN
The topic of hybrid regimes has always provoked heated debate. This article contributes to it by analyzing five principal writings on this subject. The fi rst one, ‘Competitive Authoritarianism’ by Levitsky and Way, is a groundbreaking contribution in terms of providing an explanation of the stability of this specific type of political regime. The other four books represent newer contributions on this topic. Two of them are quantitative and focus on elections in competitive authoritarian regimes. In their work ‘Defeating Dictators’, Bunce and Wolchick explain causes for certain electoral outcomes in hybrid regimes, but their contribution is based on a strictly qualitative perspective. The remaining books adopt a more critical view by bringing interesting insights from a research in contemporary Africa. Although all books reviewed in this article offer interesting contributions to the discussion about hybrid regimes, some important shortcomings and opportunities remain for future research. Besides conceptual problems, the existing research about hybrid regimes is based mainly on large-N comparative studies employing statistical methods or qualitative research based primary on a smaller number of cases. What we need is more research based on intermediate-N design and also increased range of methods, but mainly on a qualitative comparative or qualitative contextual analysis. New methodological approaches to the study of hybrid regimes can bring new explanations about the dynamics in hybrid regimes. Intermediate-N research perspective can also contribute to the large theoretical discussion about hybrid regimes with a broader spectrum of midrange theories and concepts which can be more suitable for analysis of many of the contemporary cases.
EN
Anticipated effect of democratization is not only the establishment of effective democratic institutions, but also to consolidate behavior patterns typical for this system. Unfortunately, this process does not always achieve the assumed effect. It is recognized that the democratic transformation can be completed in three ways: success, failure (back to authoritarian rule), or the establishment of hybrid regime, “hanged” between democracy and authoritarianism. An example of such a system is competitive authoritarianism, which model was firstly described by S. Levitsky and L. A. Way. In the article author intends to analyse the political situation in Ukraine during the presidency of Viktor Yanukovych in the years 2010–2013 using this model. Thanks to this an attempt to explain the systemic causes of the events taking place in this country at the turn of 2013 and 2014 will be also undertaken.
RU
Ожидаемый эффект демократизации не только создание эффективных демократических институтов , но и укрепить модели поведения , характерные для этой системы. К сожалению, этот процесс не всегда достигают предполагаемого эффекта. Признается, что демократические преобразования может быть завершена в трех направлениях: Успех, ошибка (назад к авторитарному правлению), или установление гибридный режим “повешенных” между демократией и авторитаризмом. Примером такой системы является конкурентоспособной авторитаризм, какая модель была впервые описана С. Левицкого и Л. Пути. В статье намерен проанализировать политическую ситуацию в Украине во время президентства Виктора Януковича в годы 2010–2013, используя эту модель. Будет также проведен Благодаря этому попытка объяснить системные причины событий, происходящих в этой стране на рубеже 2013 и 2014 годов.
EN
Different starting points, similar processes and different outcomes can be identified when comparing East Central Europe and East and South Asia. The two regions face similar global challenges, follow regional patterns of democratization and face crises. In communist times, East Central Europe was economically marginalized in the world economy, while some parts of Asia integrated well in the global economy under authoritarian rule. Europeanization and a favorable external environment encouraged the former communist countries to opt for the Western-style rule of law and democracy. Different external factors helped the Third Wave democracies in Asia, especially South Korea and Taiwan, which benefited from the support of the United States and other global economic, military and cultural partnerships to develop their human rights culture and democracy while facing their totalitarian counterparts, namely the People’s Republic of China and North Korea. The very different positions Taiwan and Hungary have in their respective regions follow from the different capacities of their transformation management since 1988-1989. Taiwan preserved its leading role and stable democracy despite the threat to its sovereignty from the People’s Republic of China. Hungary never had such an influential and problematic neighbor and was ensured security and welfare partnership by the European Union, which Taiwan lacked. While Taiwan was less secure, economic and social conditions were more favorable for democratization than those in Hungary. Hungary, in turn, held a leading position in democratization processes in the period of post-communist transition which was lost during the crisis and conflicts of the last decade (after 2006 and especially since 2010). Despite the fact that liberalization prepared the way for peaceful transition in both countries and resulted in similar processes of democratic consolidation in the 1990s, Hungary joined the ‘loser’ group in its region, whereas Taiwan is among the top ‘winning’ countries in its region. Taiwan at the moment is starting comprehensive reform processes toward enhanced democracy, civil rights and the rule of law, and Hungarian development is criticized by many external and internal analysts as straying from the path of European-style consolidated democracies towards illiberal trends and hybridization. Western global concepts of democratization may help to identify similarities and differences, and compare stronger and weaker factors in the democratic transitions in Asia and Europe within the Third Wave democracies.
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