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Społeczna percepcja Konstytucji RP z 1997 roku

100%

Jaskiernia J.

Przegląd Sejmowy

2017

issue 6(143)

69–96

The author provides an analyses of social perception of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of the 2nd April 1997. This Constitution was prepared by the National Assembly based upon the results of 1993 parliamentary elections in which almost 35% of the rightist electorate did not achieve parliamentary representation because several parties did not reach a 5-percent threshold. Some political circles have questioned the moral right of that Assembly to prepare the constitution. Several initiatives has been offered to minimize that effect (e.g. opening the way to the citizen’s draft of the constitution, inviting extra-parliamentary opposition groups to join the constitutional discussions). In the text of the Constitution several proposals of the Catholic Church were accepted. Finally, however, the Constitution has represented the will of the constitutional coalition (Democratic Left Alliance, Polish People’s Party, Labor Union, Freedom Union) and national consensus has not been achieved. The Constitution was approved in the referendum (by 53.45%), showing a division in the Polish society on attitudes toward it. Social support for the Constitution was gradually diminishing since parties of the constitutional coalition lost their political position or even disappeared from parliamentary political scene. Calls for a change in the Constitution, especially after Law and Justice victory in 2005 and 2015, have refl ected the change in the social perception of the Constitution.

Cesta k proměnám tureckého režimu: aktéři, strategie a nástroje.

88%

Forýtek L.

Politologická revue (Czech Political Science Review)

2020

vol. 26

issue 1

37-66

Recently, Turkey has possibly been the most intensely studied and discussed country not only by a community of scholars interested in regime changes from comparative perspective but also by security and foreign policy experts. In this paper, the author explores regime shift from the perspective of the relations of two relevant players: the civilian government and the army; and constitutional changes implemented in this millennium. His political analysis supported by the perspective of the theory of securitisation (and desecuritisation) centres on the way of instruments and methods of this regime including asking two set of research questions: Firstly, what are the causes of the escalation of the confl ict between the AKP government and the army culminating in the 2016 coup? How did the role of a securitisation actor, and the securitisation and desecuritisation strategy transform in time? Secondly, what role did the coup play in the AKP's long-term eff ort to enforce the presidential system? Th e author found that there was permanent and systematic attempt to place the army under the AKP’s political control since getting power in 2002, using democratic instruments (elections, referendum on constitutional change) and nondemocratic methods (purges of the high rank staff ). Firstly, the government tried to eliminate the army’s role by desecuritisation, later; however, the government changed its strategy, and began to ‘re-securitise’ some political issues. Th e 2017 referendum was called aft er the change of the longterm policy of the opposition party MHP. As a result, the checks and balances were challenged by the government and the president’s power increased.

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Społeczna percepcja Konstytucji RP z 1997 roku

Cesta k proměnám tureckého režimu: aktéři, strategie a nástroje.