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Kontrasygnata decyzji prezydenta w Republice Czeskiej

100%
Skotnicki K.
Przegląd Sejmowy
|
2015
|
issue 6(131)
47-58
EN
The article presents an institution of countersignature in the Czech Republic. In view of the clear link to the structures existing in the past, its evolution is also shown, starting with the Constitution of 1920. Initially, countersignature by the chief of government or minister authorized by him/her was required in relation to all the activities of the President. Today, there exist prerogatives and countersignature is obligatory only for the exercise of the powers of head of state which have the nature of decision, i.e. those by which the legal status is changed or confi rmed. Only written decisions can be countersigned. Countersignature is to be made by chairman of the government or member of the govern ment authorized by him/her, who does not have to be a minister competent for a given matter. Such authorizations in practice are rare and always individual and specifi c in nature. Countersignature may be made either before or after the decision is given by the President. This depends on how both parties signing a document agree. However, the date of its adoption by the President is always considered the date of the decision. Before making countersignature, chairman of the government may apply to the government with the question whether or not to countersign the President’s decision. This approach has been established in practice, but there are no rules determining when the Prime Minister must use it. When the functions of the President in constitutionally defi ned situations and extent are exercised by the chairman of the government, countersignature is not made. Countersigning of the President’s decision does not absolve the head of state from responsibility for treason. Decisions of the President, for which countersignature by chairman of the government or an authorized member of the government are required are null and void without it.
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Zwolnienie z konstytucyjnego wymogu kontrasygnaty – rozważania na tle niekontrasygnowanych obwieszczeń Prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej o wolnych stanowiskach sędziego w Sądzie Najwyższym i Naczelnym Sądzie Administracyjnym

58%
Kazalska O.
Studia Iuridica
|
2018
|
vol. 76
218-243
PL
On June 29, 2018 in Dziennik Urzędowy “Monitor Polski” (the Official Gazette of the Republic of Poland) were published two announcements by the President of the Republic of Poland – from May 24, 2018, on the vacant positions of the judges in the Supreme Court and from May 28, 2018 on the vacant positions of the judge in the Supreme Administrative Court. The obligation to announce the number of vacant judges’ positions is a result of changes in the structure of the Supreme Court introduced by the new law of 8 December 2017 and the obligation to apply these provisions to the judges of the Supreme Administrative Court. The controversy is aroused by the fact that the published announcements were not countersigned – although this competence is not included in the catalog of presidential prerogatives, exempted from the obligation of co-signing by the Prime Minister. The analysis of the constitutional shape of the countersignature and the practice of using by the President of his competences will allow to answer the question whether the President’s announcements require for their validity the signature of the Prime Minister’s or are they exempt from this requirement. In the light of the doctrinal reflections, the recognition of the announcement of the President of the Republic of Poland on vacant judicial positions in the Supreme Court and the Supreme Administrative Court may be considered as a derivative or analogous competence to the presidential prerogative of appointing judges. However, this stands in contradiction with the Constitutional Tribunal jurisprudence, which excludes the possibility of a broad interpretation of the constitutional catalog of prerogatives. Nevertheless, due to the informative, non-normative character of the announcements of the President, the issue of qualifying them to the catalog of official acts, for which the countersignature is required, raises reasonable doubts.
3
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The Evolution of the Institution of President’s Prerogative Powers in the Polish Legal System

51%
Dąbrowski M.
Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego
|
2018
|
issue 6 (46)
155-165
EN
The essay describes the concept and evolution of a countersignature and prerogatives of the President of the Republic of Poland. The countersignature is a special signature (a consent) of a member of the Council of Ministers which is necessary to validate the President’s legal (official) act. Prerogatives are enumerated in a constitutional act as presidential competences, which do not require a signature of a member of the Government (a countersignature). The author claims that the institution of independent presidential competences was invented by Polish lawyers and used for the first time ever in the Polish Constitution of 1935. Further, the author describes the evolution of the institution of a countersignature and prerogatives in the Polish political system. It is said that nowadays the number of independent competences does not have such significant importance as it is claimed in constitutional law and in reality prerogatives do not strengthen the political position of the President significantly. His/her power depends on whole relations between the authorities described in constitutional provisions.
PL
Autor w opracowaniu przedstawia istotę i rozwój instytucji kontrasygnaty oraz samodzielnych uprawnień Prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej. Kontrasygnata jest szczególnego rodzaju mechanizmem (podpisem właściwej osoby, z zasady członka rządu), który jest niezbędny do legalizacji aktu urzędowego głowy państwa. Członek rady ministrów poprzez akt podpisania aktu prezydenta przejmuje za niego odpowiedzialność polityczną. Równocześnie akt urzędowy głowy państwa jest nieważny do czasu opatrzenia go kontrasygnatą. Prerogatywy są to natomiast enumeratywnie wyliczone kompetencje prezydenta, które dla swojej ważności nie potrzebują współpodpisu członka rządu. W publikacji autor podnosi tezę, że prerogatywy są owocem polskiego konstytucjonalizmu i zostały po raz pierwszy w historii wprowadzone do ustroju w Konstytucji kwietniowej z 1935 r. Ponadto w opracowaniu została przedstawiona ewolucja instytucji kontrasygnaty i powiązanych z nią prerogatyw w polskim systemie prawnym. Autor wskazuje, że współcześnie prerogatywy nie mają tak doniosłego znaczenia jak im się to przypisuje w nauce prawa ustrojowego i że w praktyce samodzielne uprawnienia głowy państwa wcale tak istotnie nie wzmacniają pozycji i funkcji prezydenta. Jego władza i status zależą od całokształtu postanowień ustawy zasadniczej, które definiują relacje pomiędzy organami państwa.
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