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EN
The purpose of this paper is to analyse the current conceptual scope of the crime of genocide against the background of the evolving interpretation of the rovisions of the Rome Statute, as well as attempt to formulate de lege ferenda conclusions for considering future legislative changes in light of the weaknesses of the current regulation.
PL
The article considers the problem of responsibility for executing an unlawful order, according to the regulations of the international criminal law, using the example of Dražen Erdemović, a soldier of the 10th Sabotage Detachment of the Bosnian Serb Army, who was accused of crimes against humanity, including his participation in the massacre of the unarmed Muslims from Srebrenica on 16th July 1995. His case deserves scrutiny as he pleaded guilty and thus adopted a certain line of defense strategy at the International Tribunal Court for the former Yugoslavia. The accused was aware of having violated the rules of the international criminal law and the charges filed against him accordingly, but – at the same time – he stated that if he had not executed the order, he would have been killed.
EN
One of the most frightening aspects of the crime of genocide, war crimes or crimes against humanity is not so much their scale as their relationship with the sovereign power of the state, which either condone, or even participate in their making. It happens when the theoretically unlimited sovereign state power, which is connected with a monopoly on the use of coercive measures, begins to be used against its own citizens. Because of such a misuse of the state functions in the second half of the 20th century international law began to be treated as an element of protection of innocent people against the unpredictable sovereign state. Providing such a protection is enshrined in the international conventions, and in the activities of various international bodies, including in particular the Security Council of the United Nations. But so far there has not been found in the international law an ideal way to solve the conflict between the need to protect fundamental individual rights and the respect of sovereignty of the state. Creation by an international treaty of the International Criminal Court can be described as a major step on the way to the final determination of the relationship between human rights and state sovereignty. Hence, the process of its creation and first years of operation was marked by a dispute between the defenders of those values. In particular this is reflected in a controversy that caused the issuing by the Court of the arrest warrant for the Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir, suspected of committing on the territory of Darfur war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. One of the key issues emerging in connection with the Arrest Warrant issued for the head of state is a way to determine the mutual relationship between the obligations of states towards the international court, appointed for the purpose to prevent the gravest international crimes remaining unpunished, and the norms of international law obligating respect for the state sovereignty, by ensuring the immunity of his head is being observed. This article is an attempt to analyze this relationship, regarding the provisions of the Statute of the International Criminal Court, the wording of Security Council Resolution 1593, refering to the Court situation in Darfur and the Security Council Resolution 1970 refering to the Court situation in Libya, and also appropriate rules of customary international law and decisions of international courts.
EN
This study is devoted to a criminal case brought before a court in the German Democratic Republic against Gerhard Pchalek in connection with his service as a prosecutor in the Third Reich. Pchalek served in the Polish territories incorporated into the Reich, in Bielsko and Ka¬towice. He was a prosecutor in proceedings before special courts in Bielsko and Katowice, as well as before the Higher National Court in Katowice, in which he filed motions to sentence defendants to the death penalty. In 20 cases - as was determined by the District Court in Gera - Pchalek demanded the death penalty, which was then imposed and enforced. His act was classified as aiding in murder under the provisions of the German Criminal Code, and Pchalek was sentenced to 4 years in strict regime prison. The paper discusses the biography of Pchalek, the issue of post-war criminal liability of Nazi lawyers and the criminal trial before the District Court in Gera. The study uses a historical, formal and dogmatic method. The criminal trial in question is one of the few cases in which a Nazi lawyer was convicted.
EN
State immunity is based on the principle of sovereign equality of all states which is one of the main principles of international legal order. Predominant jurisprudence of national courts as well as international courts and tribunals follows the position that in case when a claim is submitted in a court in the forum-state due to war crimes and crimes against humanity, a foreign state possesses state immunity which excludes jurisdiction of national courts. There is a strong tendency in international law to limit state immunity and exclude from its scope claims concerning the aforementioned crimes, in case they were committed on the forum-state’s territory). However the International Court of Justice assumed that the immunity is of a procedural nature and it has to be evaluated in each case on the day of adjudication. Hence, in future cases relating to war crimes and crimes against humanity may be considered in forum-state’s courts.
EN
The aim of the Article is to present the evolution of the definition of rape in the judgments of the International Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda. The author points to the mutual interaction between the judgments of both Tribunals and to them using each others output. Before those Tribunals were convened and started to function, there were almost no precedents with regard to rape. In the judgments of ICTY and ICTR it has been confirmed that the crime of rape may be a war crime, a crime against humanity or genocide when certain conditions are met. The hypothesis of this Article is that the title Tribunals – as a result of their legal interpretation – adopted a definition of rape that better protects the victims. The formal-legal research method is used focusing mainly on the analysis of legal documents and judgments.
EN
This article discusses definitions of crimes included into the Act of 18 December 1998 on the Institute of National Remembrance – Commission for the Prosecution of Crimes against the Polish Nation, and their usefulness in prosecuting individuals who committed international crimes. It is argued that the provisions of the Act cannot constitute a ground for criminal responsibility of individuals, as they violate the principle of nullum crimen sine lege certa.
The Lawyer Quarterly
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2020
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vol. 10
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issue 4
413-425
EN
Based on historical analysis of the development of international criminal law, it could be concluded, that there was no notion of the criminal liability of legal persons on the international level, despite the fact, that international criminal tribunals were dealing with such issue - author focuses namely on the Nuremberg Tribunal’s criminal organisations, the Yugoslavian Tribunal’s joint criminal enterprise and the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court. This was changed by decisions of the Special Tribunal for Lebanon, which sentenced a legal person for the first time in the international criminal justice history. This decision was reflected also in the work of the International Law Commission, namely in the Draft Articles on Crimes against Humanity. The International Law Commission deals with the liability of legal persons for crimes against humanity and formulates, that it is up to the states if they will establish civil, administrative or criminal liability for their acts.
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2009
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vol. 165
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issue 1
27-38
EN
This paper uses (West) Germany as an exemplary case to analyse the formation of collective memories over a period of more than two decades after 1945. It traces the formation of collective memories in the German public through a decade of collective amnesia, followed by a period of regaining collective memories. It argues that the formation of collective memories is embedded in social and normative change, and identifies three causal factors that were responsible for the oscillation between amnesia and memory: the absence of victims in the imminent post-war period, that promoted the ‘myth of innocence’ (Fulbrook 1999); a series of major trials that started in the 1960s; and young elites who acknowledged moral and legal guilt and supported the trials, reconciliation and compensation. Data from public opinion polls covering the period from 1950–1970 are presented.
EN
The article aims to present the problem of the ineffectiveness of international legal instruments for the protection of cultural heritage. It presents examples of where such laws were violated and suggests that international criminal law can contribute to a better condition of cultural property. The author emphasizes that the International Criminal Court should play an important role in safeguarding such property from destruction in the future. In that context, the article presents inter allia the case of Ahmad Al Faqi Al Mahdi, which is claimed to be a milestone in the protection of cultural heritage.
PL
Autor publikacji rozważa historyczny aspekt odpowiedzialności jednostki za zbrodnie przeciwko ludzkości w prawie międzynarodowym. Przybliża definicje zbrodni ludobójstwa i zbrodni wojennych. Wskazuje czynniki, które mogą przyczynić się do zwiększenia skuteczności zwalczania tego typu przestępczości.
EN
The author of the publication considers the historical aspect of individual responsibility for crimes against humanity under international law, gives definitions of genocide and war crimes and points to factors which may contribute to increase the effectiveness in combating this type of crime.
PL
Zbrodnie przeciwko ludzkości to jedna z czterech kategorii zbrodni prawa międzynarodowego, obok ludobójstwa, zbrodni wojennych i zbrodni agresji. Mimo, że koncepcja zbrodni przeciwko ludzkości znana jest prawu międzynarodowemu co najmniej od czasu umieszczenia ich w Karcie MTW w Norymberdze, samo pojęcie wciąż nie jest do końca jasne. Pełne jego zrozumienie wymaga zatem prześledzenia ich rodowodu ideowego, w tym zwłaszcza okoliczności, które sprawiły, że pojawiły się one jako jeden z zarzutów stawianych w procesie przed MTW. Kluczową rolę w umieszczeniu ich w Karcie MTW przypisuje się Herschowi Lauterpachtowi, który w swojej wcześniejszej twórczości nie podejmował co prawda problematyki zbrodni przeciwko ludzkości, jednak ich fundamenty aksjologiczne i normatywne, można wyinterpretować z całokształtu jego dorobku naukowego.
EN
Crimes against humanity is one of the four major categories of international crimes together with genocide, war crimes and the crime of aggression. Although the concept of crimes against humanity has been recognized in international law since its inclusion in the Charter of the International Military Tribunal in Nuremberg, the very idea of this crime still seems elusive. In order to properly understand its character, the analysis of its philosophical and doctrinal background will be conducted, with a special emphasis on circumstances that led to placing crimes against humanity among the charges during the Nuremberg trial. It is believed that it was Hersch Lauterpacht who contributed to this development, which may seem surprising, considering the fact that he had never taken up the issue of crimes against humanity in his research. Ethical and normative foundations of the concept can however be traced throughout his work in the field of international law.
PL
Autor przeprowadza analizę trzech rodzajów zbrodni: ludobójstwa, przeciwko ludzkości oraz wojennych z punktu widzenia możliwości ich popełnienia na skutek użycia broni nuklearnej. Artykuł składa się z: wprowadzenia (podrozdziały: broń masowego rażenia a broń nuklearna oraz międzynarodowe prawo karne), merytorycznego rozwinięcia oraz podsumowania, gdzie zaprezentowane zostały wnioski z przeprowadzonych badań.
EN
The author conducts the analysis of three kinds of crimes: genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes from the point of view of the possibilities of their committing as a result of the use of nuclear weapon. The article consists of: introduction (sub-chapters: weapon of mass destruction vs. nuclear weapon, international criminal law), substantive analysis and summary where the conclusions after conducted research were presented.
PL
W artykule wskazano na podstawy prawne kwalifikacji zbrodni katyńskiej w kategoriach ludobójstwa (genocide), polemicznie odnosząc się do argumentów wysuwanych przez Federację Rosyjską, która konsekwentnie neguje zasadność traktowania mordu dokonanego na mocy decyzji Politbiura KC WKP(b) z 5 III 1940 r. jako zbrodni nieulegającej przedawnieniu.The article indicates the legal basis for qualification of the Katyn Massacre in the category of genocide. Polemicising with the arguments put forward by the Russian Federation which persistently negates the validity of regarding the massacre perpetrated under the order of the Politbiuro of the Bolshevik Party Central Committee issued on 5 March 1940 as a non-expiring crime against humanity.
PL
The civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina2 was one of the bloodiest armed conflicts after the end of the Second World War. Despite the passage of years, it is still a painful part of reality for a large group of the country's population. During the war, human rights were violated in the form of ethnic cleansing, murders, and so-called genocidal rapes. Women who were raped face social stigma to this day. According to conservative estimates, approx. 4000 children were born as a result of rapes. Today, the adult generation of "children of shame" experiences social ostracism in almost all spheres of life. Their situation is affected by the fact that they are not recognized as "victims of war" under the current regulations. This situation is slowly beginning to change, but it is a long-term process that requires intensified efforts not only in Bosnia and Herzegovina, but also in the international arena.
EN
Wojna domowa w Bośni i Hercegowinie była jednym z najkrwawszych konfliktów zbrojnych po zakończeniu II wojny światowej. Mimo upływu lat nadal jest bolesnym elementem rzeczywistości dla dużej części mieszkańców tego kraju. W czasie wojny dochodziło do łamania praw człowieka w postaci czystek etnicznych, mordów i tzw. ludobójczych gwałtów. Zgwałcone kobiety do dziś spotykają się z napiętnowaniem społecznym. Według ostrożnych szacunków w wyniku gwałtów urodziło się ok. 4000 dzieci. Dziś dorosłe pokolenie „dzieci wstydu” doświadcza ostracyzmu społecznego w niemal wszystkich sferach życia. Na ich sytuację wpływa fakt, że w świetle obowiązujących przepisów nie są uznawani za „ofiary wojny”. Sytuacja ta powoli zaczyna się zmieniać, ale jest to proces długotrwały, wymagający wzmożonych wysiłków nie tylko w Bośni i Hercegowinie, ale także na arenie międzynarodowej.
EN
The article consists of three basic components in which the author uses legal-historical and legal-comparative methodology. In many parts of the text concerning commonly known information which does not require a detailed presentation, the author emphasizes the selectivity of his comments. In the first part, which is a terminological analysis, the author explains the content of terms such as “genocide”, which require commentary on the definitional components of these crimes that distinguish them from other murders, rapes and war crimes. In view of the decision of the International Criminal Court ordering the arrest of President Putin for war crimes, clarification was required that the Court uses the term war crimes in a broad sense, and, in fact, the Court’s jurisdiction over war crimes also includes crimes of genocide and crimes against humanity. The article also explains the process of the development of the legal meaning of the term “sanctions”. The author emphasizes in this section that his main purpose is not to enumerate in detail the changing and supplemented sanctions, but to consider to what extent the sanctions already imposed have affected the crisis of the Russian economy and to what extent they have contributed to the recession of the “global economy”. In this section, the article explains the differences between the currents of globalization and the globalization which is often identified with global economics. The second part presents the problems that the countries of the market economy tried to solve before the start of the Russian aggression against Ukraine. Many issues, such as the “climate crisis”, “pandemic” or the phenomenon “inflation”, seem to be widely understood. However, for a broader explanation of these phenomena, the author used the comparative methodology which was the most appropriate. The third part focuses on the analysis of the effectiveness of the sanctions imposed on Russia, and, above all, on their contribution to the economic isolation of Russia. This part is also aimed at assessing to what extent the sanctions imposed on Russia exacerbate the existing economic problems of Western countries so to what extent they can constitute the “double-edged weapon”.
PL
Artykuł składa się z trzech podstawowych komponentów, w których zastosowano metodologię prawno-historyczną i prawno-porównawczą. W wielu częściach tekstu dotyczących obiegowo znanych informacji, niewymagających szczegółowej prezentacji, autor podkreśla selektywność swojej analizy. W pierwszej części, mającej charakter analizy terminologicznej, wyjaśnia treść pojęć, takich jak „zbrodnie ludobójstwa”, które wymagają komentarza dotyczącego komponentów definicyjnych tych zbrodni odróżniających je od innych morderstw, gwałtów i przestępstw wojennych. Wobec decyzji Międzynarodowego Trybunału Karnego nakazującej aresztowanie prezydenta Putina za zbrodnie wojenne, wyjaśnienia wymagało stanowisko Trybunału, że termin zbrodnie wojenne jest użyty w szerokim znaczeniu, gdyż jurysdykcja Trybunału nad zbrodniami wojennymi, obejmuje również zbrodnie ludobójstwa i zbrodnie przeciwko ludzkości. Artykuł wyjaśnia również proces kształtowania się prawnego znaczenia terminu „sankcje”. Autor podkreśla w tej części, że głównym jego celem nie jest szczegółowe wyliczanie zmieniających się i uzupełnianych sankcji, ale rozważenie, w jakim stopniu sankcje już nałożone wpłynęły na kryzys rosyjskiej ekonomii i w jakim przyczyniły się do recesji „ekonomii globalnej”. W tej części dotyczącej analizy terminologicznej, artykuł wyjaśnia różnice między nurtami globalizacji i glokalizacji często utożsamianymi z ekonomią globalną. Druga część prezentuje problemy, które kraje gospodarki rynkowej starały się rozwiązać przed rozpoczęciem rosyjskiej agresji na Ukrainę. Wiele kwestii, takich jak „kryzys klimatyczny”, „pandemia” czy zjawisko „inflacji” wydaje się być obiegowo zrozumiała. Dla szerszego jednak wyjaśnienia tych zjawisk zastosowanie metodologii komperatywnej było najwłaściwsze. Część trzecia, przedstawiaa analizę skuteczności nałożonych na Rosję sankcji, a przede wszystkim ich kontrybucji do ekonomicznej izolacji Rosji. Część ta ma na celu również ocenę, w jakim stopniu nałożone na Rosję sankcje potęgują istniejące problemy ekonomiczne krajów Zachodu i w jakim stopniu mogą stanowić tytułową „broń obosieczną?”.
PL
Artykuł interdycyplinarnie przedstawia eksperymenty prowadzone przez niemieckich lekarzy w KL Ravensbrück na Polkach i ich wpływ na losy operowanych. Omówiono eksperymenty na kończynach dolnych: czyste kostne i septyczno-kostne. W oparciu o materiał dowodowy, ekspertyzy lekarskie i wspomnienia operowanych przedstawiono przebieg operacji i ich następstwa. Po wojnie eksperymenty te uznano za zbrodnie wojenne i przeciwko ludzkości. W zależności od stopnia okaleczenia podczas operacji oraz braku opieki pooperacyjnej i rehabilitacji, stresu wojennego, złych warunków obozowych u operowanych wystąpiło pogorszenie stanu zdrowia. Autorzy uznali doświadczenia za zbrodnicze eksperymenty medyczne. Dokonywali ich lekarze, ale z pogwałceniem etyki lekarskiej. Przeprowadzano je na zdrowych kobietach. Na skutek doświadczeń dochodziło do upośledzenia sprawności fizycznej, co prowadziło nawet do kalectwa. Ponadto wystąpił silny zespół stresu pourazowego, na który nałożyła się trauma poboozowa i krzywda związana z eksperymentami. Z racji dolegliwości chorobowych część kobiet została wyłączona z ról społecznych.
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