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EN
It is a well-documented fact that social trust, i.e., the extent to which people trust others, and political trust, i.e., trust in political institutions, are key factors in social capital theory. However, to compare these concepts in cross-national or longitudinal frameworks, it is important to first establish whether the measurements of these concepts are compatible across countries or over time. This paper tests the measurement and cross-national and longitudinal invariance properties of social and political trust. We use multiple-group confirmatory factor analyses (MGCFA) to evaluate the different levels of invariance (configural, metric and scalar) using data from the European Social Survey (ESS) measured at four different time points (2002, 2004, 2006 and 2008) in seven Western European countries. In a second step, the country mean rankings of social and political trust are computed based on the latent scores and compared with those based on traditional sum score measurements. This comparison illustrates the potential inaccuracy of sum scores for country mean comparisons when measurement invariance is not supported by the data.
EN
The United States breast cancer movement helped to transform breast cancer’s social and medical landscape domestically and, in some ways, internationally. However, differences in gender identities, power relations, and the role of feminism(s) cross-culturally also shaped breast cancer advocacy itself. After giving a brief introduction to the socio-historical context of the U.S. and Polish breast cancer movements, this article illuminates some of the linkages and divergences between the United States and Poland to demonstrate the role of gender and power in social movements that concentrate exclusively on women’s (health) issues, namely breast cancer. This comparison of social phenomena from two countries illuminates the impact of cultural patterns on models of activism as they relate to feminism and traditional gender roles.
EN
The essay examines two of the most prominent developments in contemporary democratic politics, party change and political personalization, and the relationship between them. It presents a broad-brush, cross-national comparison of these phenomena that covers around fifty years in twenty-six countries through the use of more than twenty indicators. It demonstrates that, behind a general trend of decline of political parties, there is much variance among countries. In some, party decline is moderate or even small, which may point to adaptation to the changing environments these parties operate in. In others, parties sharply decline. Most cases fall between these two poles. A clear general trend of personalization in politics is identified, but there are large differences among countries in its magnitude and manifestations. Surprisingly, the online world seems to supply parties with an opportunity to revive. When parties decline, personalization increases. Yet these are far from being perfect zero-sum relationships, which leaves room for the possibility that other political actors may step in when parties decline and that, in some cases, personalization may not hurt parties; it may even strengthen them. Personalization is a big challenge to parties. But parties were, are, and will remain a solution to the problem of collective action, of channeling personal energies to the benefit of the group. Thus they can cope with personalization and even use it to their advantage.
PL
Esej podejmuje kwestie ważne dla współczesnej demokracji. Z raportów instytucji monitorujących jej stan na świecie wyłania się obraz demokracji w recesji. Stanowi on globalne tło do „lokalnych” wyników badań i analiz zawartych w pracy badaczy, których książka stanowi główny przedmiot eseju. Rahat i Kenig badają dwa główne zjawiska współczesnej demokracji: zmierzch partii politycznych i personalizację polityki. Autorzy dokumentują wyraźne zjawisko personalizacji polityki i mniej wyraźny, bo przyjmujący dwie formy, trend zmian partyjnych (upadek bądź adaptacja). Oba zjawiska są paliwem polityki populistycznej. Groźne dla demokracji trendy opisane do roku 2015 nasiliły się później w postaci „wojen kulturowych”, stanowiących zdaniem innych badaczy ślepą uliczkę dla demokracji liberalnych.
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