The article focuses on the interrelationships between the famous Conrad’s novel Heart of Darkness, a documentary film by Marcin Mamon Man in his Forties will be a Smuggler (2009). The film is a journey into Conrad’s „heart of darkness”, the deep jungles of the Congo. It is also a journey into yourself. The director asks the question: how not to be evil, adhering to the absolute principles which governed the jungle? Article takes the form of an essay, the purpose of which is to show some possibilities of interpretation for the two different forms of artistic expression. The method of analysis begins with connecting elements indicate the test material, then refers to the typology of travel and confronts attitudes travelers. It turns out that Conrad’s „heart of darkness” is not only still exists, but today, in the contact of two civilizations, it is even more grim, ruthless and cruel.
The article is aimed at presentation of the case study in video games creation by Indigenous auteur and designer, Elizabeth LaPensée, which at the same time demonstrates how video games can both mediatize the process of re-writing history and decolonize popular imagination. The analysis of LaPensée’s three games: Invaders, Thunderbird Strikes, and When the Rivers Were Trails to some extent follows her own strategies of self-identification as Anishinabee (Ojibwe). Drawing upon reconfiguration of the auteur theory and the framework of ludostylistics by Astrid Ensslin, we also strive to demonstrate how the notion of a singular author is in fact grounded in collective and collaborative qualities of indigenous digital culture, including digital game design.
The Other — the concept “of the most powerful sociological tools for analyzing social processes of individuals and groups confronting new social orders”. Post-colonial theories should be considered in the context of literature, research and language and referred to as the voice of the Other. At the same time, the aftermath of colonialism ought to be taken into account.
The aim of this article is to provide an analysis of the ICJ’s advisory opinion of 25 February 2019 on the Chagos Archipelago. It will endeavour to answer the following questions: (i) is it consistent with the letter and the spirit of international law for the ICJ to issue advisory opinions in cases involving a dispute between states, which, due to the lack of consent from one of the states, cannot be brought before the ICJ and be settled by a judgment of that judicial body?; (ii) is such a ruling the right way to settle the issue of decolonization?; and (iii) did Brexit play any role in the case under discussion? The article begins by describing the background to the dispute between the UK and Mauritius. The focus of the analysis then shifts to the nature of advisory opinions and the 2019 ICJ advisory opinion on the Chagos Archipelago. Next, the authors discuss the possible impact of Brexit on the dispute between the UK and Mauritius itself, as well as on the UK’s international standing in general. The article concludes with reflections on voluntarism in international law. The authors conclude that de lege lata an authorized body or organization may ask the ICJ for an advisory opinion in situations where it believes that such an opinion would be useful for its work. However, such advisory opinions should not have the character of authoritative court statements made in pending disputes between sovereign states. As a consequence, such opinions should refer only to abstract legal problems, which means that in some cases the ICJ should refrain from issuing them.
This article aims to analyze the relation between British imperialism and the Scottish question. In the first place, the role played by Scots as a nation in the creation of the empire is described, including different frameworks, i.e. internal colonialism. Secondly, the hypothesis of the indissoluble connection of institutions of the British Empire and the United Kingdom (UK) is verified. The collapse of the British Empire had to undermine the sense of the existence of the UK. In the opinion of the author of this article a significant relation between the two phenomena can be observed, although he stipulates that it had a non-obvious form, and the occurrence of the consequences was not a "historic necessity", but had been reinforced by a number of other reasons, of perhaps greater importance, as e.g. the failure of the Thatcher government, the weakness of the unionist parties in Scotland and the social and economic transformations. The Empire was perhaps the most apparent symbol of the unity of the UK and a focus of the British loyalty. And most importantly - the Empire strengthened the sense of the Scottish identity, allowing to assign to it the attribute uniqueness and introducing it into a modern frame. It is worth mentioning that the causal description may not be the right perspective here, thinking in terms of the system would be more valuable - every relationship and every variable, which is commonly referred to as being an effect or a cause, in fact, is both: cause and effect, as the relations are never one-way.
Partly as a result of compartmentalized academic specializations and history teaching, in accounts of the global upheavals of 1968, Native Americans are either not mentioned, or at best are tagged on as an afterthought. “Was there a Native American 1968?” is the central question this article aims to answer. Native American activism in the 1960s was no less flashy, dramatic or confrontational than the protests by the era’s other struggles – it is simply overshadowed by later actions of the movement. Using approaches from Transnational American Studies and the history of social movements, this article argues that American Indians had a “long 1968” that originated in Native America’s responses to the US government’s Termination policy in the 1950s, and stretched from their ‘training’ period in the 1960s, through their dramatic protests from the late 1960s through the 1970s, all the way to their participation at the United Nations from 1977 through the rest of the Cold War. While their radicalism and protest strategies made Native American activism a part of the US domestic social movements of the long 1960s, the nature of American Indian sovereignty rights and transnationalism place the Native American long 1968 on the rights spectrum further away from civil rights, and closer to a national liberation struggle-which links American Indian activism to the decolonization movements of the Cold War.
The purpose of this article is to analyze the causes and effects of political violence in Southern Rhodesia in the period preceding the announcement of the Unilateral Declaration of Independence. This article is intended to answer the question why in short period of time African nationalists proceeded from peaceful protests to an armed struggle and whether the decision to change their strategy was not taken hastily. It also aims to explain why African neighborhoods became the scenes of brutal fighting and violence targeted at its residents and what consequences it entailed. The author also wants to convince that only reforms carried out in due course, i.e. at the beginning of the nationalist movement, could guarantee a peaceful evolution to independence without a recourse to bloody political violence. In the case of Southern Rhodesia this was not successful, which confirms the validity of the claim that the violence was the most cruel where the dominant white nationalism strove to stop the African nationalism from realizing their own version of national independence.
The aim of the article is to characterize the genocidal practices used by the structures of the Indonesian state towards the inhabitants of West Papua. In the first part the author presents a historical overview of decolonization of Indonesia and the birth of the Papuan national liberation movement. The main axis for the construction of the paper is Article II of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide listing genocide acts, which are the subjects of subsequent subchapters analyzing the genocide issue in West Papua. The final part of the article refers to the concept of colonial genocide and briefly describes the Free West Papua Campaign.
Recenzja jest poświęcona analizie pracy Amitava Achary’ego i Barry’ego Buzana, The Making of Global International Relations. Origins and Evolution of IR at its Centenary (Cambridge and New York, Cambridge University Press, 2019, ss. 383). Strukturalnie praca składa się ze wstępu i dziesięciu części. Znani zachodni teoretycy stosunków międzynarodowych przedstawili swoją wizję ewolucji westfalskiego porządku światowego w XX w., ujawnili powody i charakter jego przejścia po 1989 r. do postwestfalskich stosunków międzynarodowych oraz uzasadnili przyczyny, zasady oraz skutki powstania i rozwoju wiedzy o stosunkach międzynarodowych. Na podstawie badań i przemyślenia krytycznego teorii i praktyki stosunków międzynarodowych XX – początku XXI wieku (do 2017/2018) wyróżnili oni kilka znaczących bloków. Takie zgrupowanie pozwala skonstatować modernizację modelu westfalskich stosunków międzynarodowych oraz tworzenie i rozwój nauki o stosunkach międzynarodowych w centrum i na peryferii pod wpływem szeregu znaczących wydarzeń. Przede wszystkim mowa o wpływie dwóch wojen światowych, konfrontacji dwubiegunowej oraz procesu dekolonizacji na ewolucję westfalskiego systemu międzynarodowego. Genezie dyscypliny stosunków międzynarodowych po zakończeniu I wojny światowej towarzyszyło aktywne rozszerzenie jej instytucjonalizacji, pola tematycznego, a także włączenie peryferii w tę przestrzeń. Radykalne zmiany świata i stosunków międzynarodowych po 1989 r. doprowadziły do globalizacji stosunków międzynarodowych i ostatecznego ukształtowania postwestfalskiego porządku światowego. Analiza koncepcyjna ewolucji stosunków międzynarodowych w XX-XXI w. na podstawie fundamentalnych badań zachodnich naukowców i również teoretyków spoza jądra zachodniego pozwala nam określić ich zasadnicze zmiany pod wpływem dwóch wojen światowych, globalizacji, dekolonizacji i zmian w stosunku sił między centrum i peryferiami.
EN
The review is devoted to the analysis of scientific work of Amitav Acharya and Barry Buzan, The Making of Global International Relations. Origins and Evolution of IR at its Centenary (Cambridge and New York, Cambridge University Press, 2019, 383 p.). Structurally, the work consists of an introduction and ten sections. Well-known Western theorists of international relations gave their vision of the evolution of the Westphalian world order during the twentieth century. They also revealed the reasons and nature of the transition of the world order to Post-Westphalian international relations after 1989 and substantiated the causes, principles and effects of the emergence and development of knowledge about International Relations. Based on the study and critical rethinking of the theory and practice of international relations of the XX – early XXI century (until 2017/2018) the authors singled out several meaningful blocks. This grouping allowed us to state the modernization of the Westphalian model of international relations and the formation and development of the science of International Relations in the Сenter and in the Periphery under the influence of a number of fateful events. First of all, we are talking about the impact of the two world wars, bipolar confrontation and the process of decolonization on the evolution of the Westphalian international system. The genesis of the discipline of International Relations after the end of the First World War was accompanied by the active expansion of its institutionalization, subject field and the inclusion of the periphery in this space. Radical changes in the world and international relations after 1989 led to the globalization of international relations and the final formation of the Post-Westphalian world order. The conceptual analysis of the evolution of international relations during the XX–XXI centuries on the basis of fundamental research by Western scientists and also theorists from outside the Western core allows us to state their essential changes under the influence of two world wars, globalization, decolonization and changes in the ratio of forces between the Сenter and the Periphery.
A artigo tem como foco a capitania luso-brasileira e depois provín¬cia de Rio Grande de São Pedro vista como espaço fronteiriço situado entre duas for¬mações político-administrativas organizadas de um lado por Portugal e de outro pela Espanha. Limites políticos decididos institucionalmente pelos respectivos governos me¬tropolitanos não foram respeitados pela população estabelecida neste espaço, ensejando uma integração multifacetada que interferiu quando o processo de desco¬lo¬nização impôs a construção de Estados Nacionais na região platina como entidades soberanas. Objetiva-se relacionar o estatuto colonial vigente com os Estados Nacio¬nais a serem construídos, apontando não só rupturas, mas também, as perma¬nências implícitas nesta construção no processo histórico do Rio Grande de São Pedro.
EN
This article focuses on the the luso-brazilian captainship, later province of Rio Grande de São Pedro, seen as a frontier space located between two political-administrative powers Portugal on one side and Spain on the other. The population settled on here did not respect the political limits institutionally established by respective metropolitan governments. Therefore, this multifaceted integration influenced the decolonization process imposing the construction of the sovereign National states in the La Plata Region. The main objective of the article is relate to the colonial habits in vigor with the National states that were constructed, showing ruptures and continuity on this historical building process of Rio Grande de São Pedro.
Secesja, inaczej ujmując – oderwanie części terytorium od macierzystego państwa, jest jedną z form utraty części terytorium, zarazem jedną z form powstania nowego państwa, względnie przyłączenia się oderwanego terytorium do sąsiedniego państwa. Celem niniejszej pracy jest zwrócenie uwagi na źródło współczesnej secesji, czyli tendencje odśrodkowe w państwie spowodowane różnorakimi formami dyskryminacji ludności oderwanego terytorium. Ludność oderwanego terytorium w uzasadnieniu swojego prawa do secesji odwołuje się do jednej z podstawowych zasad prawa międzynarodowego – zasady samostanowienia narodów, która nie pozostaje w sprzeczności z zasadą integralności terytorialnej państwa, ponieważ funkcjonują one w różnych przestrzeniach prawa międzynarodowego publicznego. W pracy zastosowano metodę badań dogmatycznych oraz prawnoporównawczych.
EN
Secession, in other words, the separation of part of the territory from the mother state, is one of the forms of losing part of the territory, at the same time one of the forms of the creation of a new state, or the annexation of detached territory to a neighboring state. The aim of this article is to draw attention to the source of contemporary secession, that is, the centrifugal tendencies in the state caused by various forms of discrimination against the population of the detached territory. The population of the detached territory justifying its right to secession refers to one of the basic principles of international law – the principle of self-determination of nations, which principle does not contradict the principle of territorial integrity of the state, because they function in different spaces of international public law. The method of dogmatic and comparative law research was applied in the work.
Głównym celem artykułu jest przedstawienie analizy zawartości Freirowskiego podręcznika do alfabetyzacji i postalfabetyzacji stosowanego w Demokratycznej Republice Wysp Świętego Tomasza i Książęcej w kontekście procesów dekolonizacji i demokratyzacji. A Luta Continua jest formą praktycznej realizacji założeń paradygmatu pedagogiki emancypacyjnej P. Freirego, która pochodzi z okresu radykalizacji tego brazylijskiego filozofa edukacji i edukatora. Treść tego podręcznika re- alizuje założenie dowartościowania warstw ludowych, kultury popularnej i codziennego życia, na równi z nauką czytania i pisania.
Artykuł przedstawia integrację zasobów wiedzy ludności rdzennej z systemem edukacji wielokulturowej w Kanadzie jako wyzwanie dla założeń o komplementarności procesu i możliwości łączenia odmiennych kulturowo ze sobą sposobów poznania. Wypowiedź ma charakter teoretyczny, a przedstawiona w artykule konceptualizacja może posłużyć do refleksji nad zagadnieniami związanymi z edukacją międzykulturową i integracją. W artykule przestawiono, czym jest wiedza ludności rdzennej i jakie jej elementy są kluczowe dla procesu poznania. Omówiono specyfikę pedagogii ludności rdzennej oraz towarzyszące im wytyczne dla procesu edukacji. W dalszej części artykułu podjęto temat digitalizacji zasobów wiedzy ludności rdzennej w celu jej upowszechniania, dekolonizacji jako dominującego spojrzenia w analizie związków pomiędzy wiedzą ludności rdzennej a systemem edukacji. W podsumowaniu przedstawiono trzy możliwe podejścia w ich integracji wraz z ich krótkim opisem i zawartą w nim krytyką.
EN
The article shows the integration of Indigenous knowledge resources with the multicultural system of education in Canada as a challenge to some assumptions about the process of complementarity and possibility of binding to the both culturally different ways of knowing. The article is based on theoretical frameworks which introduce conceptual foundations for reflects on issues related to intercultural education and integration. It shows Indigenous ways of knowing and some keys for how the Indigenous knowledge can be known. It describes the quality of Indigenous pedagogies and how the Indigenous knowledge can be taught. In the second part of the article, it undertakes an issue of the digitalization of Indigenous knowledge resources for the purpose of promoting it, decolonization as a dominant look at the analyses of the relationship between Indigenous knowledge and educational system. In conclusion, there are three possible ways of approach to their integration concerning short descriptions and critical comments.
World War II – a Thirty Years War or a War of Three Generations The chronology of historical events may appear to be simple. There is a specific event and there is a date on which it occurred. However, an essential problem remains: what is the event and what terms shall we use to describe it? Will these terms be unambiguous? We ask: when did the Second World War begin and end? However, perhaps one should ask: why is it recognized as a world war? In Poland, it is assumed that the war began on 1 September 1939. However, for the first two days it was a conflict between two states only – Germany and Poland. Other participants of the events in Europe would join in later. Why do we call it a ‘world war’ then? Because there was another area of great struggle: the Far East, extended around the Pacific, Oceania, as far as the coasts of Australia. There is a problem here, however. The war in Asia began with Japan’ s attack on China on 7 July 1937. If we are of the opinion that the beginning of the world war is the German-Polish conflict, there are, in fact, no arguments for not moving the initial date more than two years earlier. The world war, which began with the Asian events of 1937, moved to Europe in 1939. And when did World War II end? However, the direct chronology of the conflict is only one part of the problem. To what extent was the war a separate chapter in history? Perhaps it was one of the processes which began much earlier and ended much later? There are supporters of the view of a certain thirty years war, from 1914 to 1945. Others are convinced of a war of a period of three generations, from 1914 to 1989 or 1990. Aspects under discussion involve the development of science and technology serving conflicts, a questioning of euro-centrism and the determination of the United States’ leadership in the Western block, as well as decolonization. History may be approached in various ways. The outcomes will depend on the assumptions made. This makes finding unambiguous answers difficult, but it also makes historical inquiries attractive.
The aim of this article is to present the current state of research dedicated to the relations of communist states with the Global South and to present the experience of PRL in this respect. During the Cold War, the countries of the Soviet bloc maintained very active relations with Third World states and national liberation movements. These contacts, initiated in the mid-1950s, were of varied nature and concerned political, military, economic and socio-cultural cooperation. The Soviet Union played the lead role in these relations, but countries under Moscow’s tutelage – notably the GDR, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia and Romania – also sought to be present in the Third World. Warsaw also pursued an active policy towards the states and national liberation movements of the Global South, although its strategy differed from the conduct of other communist countries. The involvement of PRL was more cautious and more, than in the case of other countries, focused on economic benefits. The review of the state of research shows that a lot is already known about communist Poland’s policy towards the Third World, but many areas remain poorly researched. The gaps in our knowledge that still remain may inspire future research dedicated to the relations between the Communist bloc and the Global South.
PL
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie aktualnego stanu badań poświęconych relacjom państw komunistycznych z Globalnym Południem oraz przedstawienie na tym tle doświadczeń PRL. W okresie zimnej wojny kraje bloku sowieckiego utrzymywały bardzo aktywne relacje z państwami i ruchami narodowowyzwoleńczymi Trzeciego Świata. Kontakty te, zapoczątkowane w połowie lat pięćdziesiątych, miały zróżnicowany charakter i dotyczyły współpracy politycznej, wojskowej, gospodarczej oraz społeczno-kulturalnej. Główną rolę odgrywał w nich Związek Sowiecki, jednak kraje pozostające pod kuratelą Moskwy – zwłaszcza NRD, Czechosłowacja, Jugosławia i Rumunia – również starały się być obecne w Trzecim Świecie. Aktywną politykę wobec państw i ruchów narodowowyzwoleńczych Globalnego Południa prowadziła również Warszawa, choć jej strategia w tym zakresie różniła się od postępowania innych krajów komunistycznych. Zaangażowanie PRL było bardziej ostrożne i bardziej, niż w przypadku innych państw, nakierowane na korzyści ekonomiczne. Jak wynika z przeglądu stanu badań, sporo wiemy już o polityce komunistycznej Polski wobec Trzeciego Świata, jednak wiele obszarów pozostaje wciąż słabo opracowanych. Istniejące wciąż luki w naszej wiedzy mogą stanowić inspirację dla przyszłych badań poświęconych relacjom bloku komunistycznego z Globalnym Południem.
The article presents the conditions and scope of non-refundable military aid provided by PRL to states and national liberation movements in the Third World. Available documents show that during the Cold War the authorities in Warsaw – compared to other Soviet bloc countries, especially Czechoslovakia and the GDR – pursued a fairly limited policy of arming state and non-state actors in the Global South. This policy was manifested by a cautious approach to requests for the free transfer of armaments and in the thorough investigation by the communist authorities of the position of other socialist countries before deciding on arms shipments. The Democratic Republic of Vietnam received the most aid – it was systematically equipped with modern military equipment between 1965 and 1975. Aid was also provided, to a much lesser extent, to the People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen, Ethiopia and Nicaragua, as well as to national liberation movements such as SWAPO, MPLA, PAIGC, FRELIMO and ZAPU. Free military aid was not treated by the communist authorities as a strategic tool for building influence in the Third World.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono uwarunkowania i zakres bezzwrotnej pomocy wojskowej, udzielanej przez PRL państwom i ruchom narodowowyzwoleńczym w Trzecim Świecie. Z dostępnych dokumentów wynika, że w okresie zimnej wojny władze w Warszawie – w porównaniu z innymi państwami bloku sowieckiego, zwłaszcza z Czechosłowacją i NRD – prowadziły dosyć ograniczoną politykę dozbrajania podmiotów państwowych i niepaństwowych na Globalnym Południu. Przejawiało się to w ostrożnym podejściu do próśb o bezpłatne przekazywanie uzbrojenia oraz w dokładnym badaniu przez władze peerelowskie stanowiska innych krajów socjalistycznych przed podjęciem decyzji o wysyłce uzbrojenia. Największą pomoc otrzymała Demokratyczna Republika Wietnamu, która była w latach 1965–1975 systematycznie wyposażana w nowoczesny sprzęt wojskowy. O wiele mniejszej pomocy udzielano Ludowo-Demokratycznej Republice Jemenu, Etiopii i Nikaragui, a także ruchom narodowowyzwoleńczym, takim jak: SWAPO, MPLA, PAIGC, FRELIMO i ZAPU. Bezpłatna pomoc wojskowa nie była również traktowana przez władze PRL w kategoriach strategicznego narzędzia budowania wpływów w Trzecim Świecie.
Posteuropocentryczny i postkolonialny ton prowadzonej przez francuskich intelektualistów krytyki tradycji intelektualnej Zachodu jest genetycznie związany z doświadczeniem dekolonizacji, która była procesem nie tylko politycznym, militarnym i gospodarczym, ale też filozoficznym i światopoglądowym, przy czym te wszystkie jej aspekty były wzajemnie ze sobą splecione. Polemizuję ze stanowiskiem polegającym na traktowaniu kształtującego się wówczas postkolonialnego tonu krytyki nauki europejskiej i leżących u jej podstaw założeń metafizycznych w oderwaniu od doświadczania politycznego aspektu dekolonizacji. Jeśli weźmiemy pod uwagę biografie intelektualistów, którzy odcisnęli największe piętno na humanistyce drugiej połowy XX wieku (np. Jacques’a Derridy), debata ponowoczesności i końcu metafizyki, wbrew utartej interpretacji, mniej ma wspólnego z abstrakcyjną krytyką Kartezjańskiego podmiotu niż z realiami politycznymi rozpadu francuskiego imperium kolonialnego, zwłaszcza wojny o niepodległość Algierii. Derrida podkreślający swój hybrydowy status kulturowy wiele uwagi poświęca pogranicznemu charakterowi uprawianej przez siebie filozofii, z nietożsamości czyniąc jeden z jej głównych tematów i znaków rozpoznawczych. Poprzez dekonstrukcję europocentryzmu i szerzej pojętego okcydentalizmu Derrida rozumiał poddanie krytyce globalnego systemu dominacji. Filozofia Derridy wyrastająca z doświadczeń intelektualisty dojrzewającego na peryferiach skolonizowanego świata jest narzędziem, którym posługuje się on w celu pozbawienia w dziełach Derridy, nie zamyka się w obrębie jednej teorii, lecz znajduje się wewnątrz całej współczesnej myśli humanistycznej, nadając jej dynamikę, a zarazem rozsadzając, tzn. nie pozwalając ustanowić trwałej tożsamości. Poszukując w pracach Derridy dróg, którymi może podążać zachodnia myśl krytyczna, natrafiamy na świadectwa tego, że nie jest ona, a może nawet nigdy nie była „zachodnia” w sensie, jaki temu słowu nadaje język tożsamości, i że właśnie jej nietożsamość jest warunkiem pozytywności.
EN
Posteuropocentric and postcolonial animus in French intellectuals’ criticism of the Western intellectual tradition is genetically tied to the experience of decolonization, which was not just a political, military and economic process, but also one of philosophy and worldview. All those aspects were closely woven together. I am polemical towards the outlook treating the shaping of the then-contemporary postcolonial tone in the criticism of European sciences and their metaphysical grounding in separation with the aspect of the political experience of the decolonization process. If we take under consideration the biographies of intellectuals who have left the biggest mark on the humanities of the second half of the XXth century (e.g. Jacques Derrida), then the debate on post-modernity and the end of metaphysics has, in spite of the common view, less to do with abstract criticism of the Cartesian subject than with political realities of the collapse of the French colonial empire, and the Algerian War of Independence in particular. Derrida, who highlighted his hybrid cultural status, gave a lot of attention to the liminal character of his philosophy, making nonidentity one of his main objects of interest. By deconstructing europocentrism and widely-understood occidentalism, Derrida understood criticism of a global system of domination. Derrida’s philosophy, stemming from the experiences of an intellectual raised on the periphery of a colonized world is a tool he used to take away from the metropole the metaphysical groundings of the power it held. Anticolonial or postcolonial timbre in analyzed Derrida’s works is not limited to a single theory, but is at home at the heart of the entirety of contemporary humanities. It gives it its dynamism, but also blows it up, allowing no stable identity. In searching for ways that Western critical thought can follow after the works of Derrida, we find evidence that it is not, and maybe has never been “Western” in the sense that the language of identity implies, and that it is its nonidentity that makes it positive.
Léopold Sédar Senghor was a thinker and poet of Négritude, and also a politician, a member of the French National Assembly in the context where decolonization was inevitable. With the theoretical support of Paul Ricœur, this article explores Senghor's utopia in order to reflect on the function of these unreal places in his thought and to restore his vision of the future. Both the Kingdom of the Sine and Confederate France - the figures of his eutopia - were presented as harmonious communities by which to imagine the future. If Senghor does not challenge colonial ideology with a conservative utopia, where the Kingdom of the Sine would regain its ancient form, but with that of a federal thus decolonized France, where equality of political, civic and social rights between members of a plurinational state would obtain, the question of knowing if he was a utopian remains.
FR
Léopold Sédar Senghor était un penseur et poète de la Négritude, et il était aussi un homme politique, député à l’Assemblée nationale française dans un contexte où la décolonisation était inéluctable. Avec le soutien théorique de Paul Ricœur, cet article explore l’utopie chez Senghor pour réfléchir à la fonction qu’occupent ces lieux irréels dans sa pensée et restaurer la vision de l’avenir qui était la sienne. Figures de son eutopia, tant le Royaume du Sine que la France Confédérée se proposaient comme communautés harmonieuses à l’aune desquelles imaginer l’avenir. Si Senghor ne défie pas l’idéologie coloniale avec une utopie conservatrice, où le Royaume du Sine retrouverait sa forme ancienne, mais bien avec celle d’une France décolonisée parce que fédérale, où il existerait une égalité de droits politiques, civiques et sociaux entre membres de cet État plurinational, la question de savoir s’il était utopiste demeure.
The article shows the diffi cult problem of how to renew the dialogue between the Catholic Church, present in Bolivia since the sixteenth century and the populistregime of Evo Morales, nowadays expelled by the Bolivian opposition from his own country. The painful division of the Bolivian society into several distinctly separate groups is a huge missionary challenge for the Catholic Church in Bolivia. Catholicism cannot look indiff erently at the many social experiments conducted in the area of this very poor Andean country. What is required, is a radical change of the spiritual formation, which will lead effi ciently to a renewed reception of the Gospel in the free heart of the Bolivian nation.
The importance of the colonial era in world history can hardly be exaggerated. In recent years, we have seen a rapid growth of publications dedicated to colonialism and, primarily, to postcolonialism. Some philologists, cultural studies theorists, historians, sociologists and political scientists, lawyers, economists and even physicians and psychologists have spoken on these issues. This results in terminological chaos and different interpretations of many seemingly obvious concepts, calling for some order to be introduced. The aim of this paper is to define basic categories, such as colonialism and decolonization, neo-colonialism and postcolonialism, as well as to indicate their territorial and chronological boundaries. This is an attempt to explain the matters written from the perspective of a scholar dealing with the history of colonialism, that is a historian and political scientist combined. The paper presents considerations with regard to the definition, scope and concept of colonialism, its development in the 19th and the first half of the 20th centuries – from its genesis, through the expansion of European states, until its crisis, which started in the early years of World War I and, finally, to its collapse after World War II. Next, the concept of decolonization is touched upon along the factors accelerating the decolonization process. New proposals of periodization also come into view. The final part of the paper mulls over postcolonialism and, by this token, reflects on colonialism and, first and foremost, on its aftermath and remnants in the modern world. Increasingly nowadays, studies are not restricted only to the history of colonialism and decolonization, and it is emphasized that there are different types of subordination. Therefore, a new approach should cover the history and perspectives of all the subsidiary groups, such as marginalized people (that includes women, lower social classes, national and sexual minorities, etc.). In this sense, colonialism still exists, and perhaps this is the reason for the increased academic interest in issues which seemed not long ago to be merely a historical category.
PL
Trudno przecenić znaczenie epoki kolonialnej dla dziejów świata. W ostatnich latach obserwujemy wręcz lawinowy wzrost publikacji już nie tylko o kolonializmie ale przede wszystkim o postkolonializmie. Głos zabierają filolodzy, kulturoznawcy, historycy, socjolodzy i politolodzy, prawnicy, ekonomiści a nawet medycy i psycholodzy, co często wprowadza chaos i różne rozumienie wielu wydawałoby się oczywistych pojęć. To wszystko wymaga uporządkowania. Celem artykułu jest zdefiniowanie podstawowych kategorii takich jak kolonializm i dekolonizacja, neokolonializm i postkolonializm, zakreślenie ich granic terytorialnych i chronologicznych. To swego rodzaju próba wyjaśnienia dyskusji, pisana przez historyka i politologa, a więc z perspektywy człowieka zajmującego się dziejami kolonializmu. W artykule przedstawiono rozważania dotyczące definicji i zakresu pojęcia kolonializm, jego rozwój w XIX i pierwszej połowie XX wieku – od genezy poprzez ekspansję państw europejskich aż do jego kryzysu, którego początki widzieć powinniśmy już w latach I wojny światowej i wreszcie jego rozpadu po II wojnie światowej. Następnie omówiono pojęcie dekolonizacji, czynniki przyśpieszające dekolonizację oraz nowe propozycje periodyzacyjne. Ostatnia część artykułu to rozważania na temat postkolonializmu, a więc nowej refleksji nad kolonializmem a przede wszystkim nad jego konsekwencjami i pozostałościami we współczesnym świecie. Coraz częściej bowiem nie ograniczano się tylko do historii kolonializmu i dekolonizacji. Podkreślano, że istnieją różne rodzaje podporządkowania, a nowe ujęcie powinno dotyczyć historii i perspektyw wszystkich grup podporządkowanych np. ludzi zmarginalizowanych (klas niższych, kobiet, mniejszości narodowych i seksualnych itp.). W tym sensie kolonializm trwa nadal i stąd być może ten wzrost zainteresowania i aktualność problematyki, która jeszcze niedawno wydawała się kategorią już tylko historyczną.
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