Search results

1

Partycypacja obywatelska w demokracji deliberacyjnej ku dobru wspólnemu

100%

Stadniczeńko S. L.

Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne

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2019

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vol. 17

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issue 3

151-171

EN

The author draws attention to the consideration of the complexity of civil participation in deliberative democracy, indicating that the legislator assumed that dialogue is to be a way of existence, and thus the basis of any social situation in the state. State authorities appointed to serve the people and the common good have to ask citizens about their position in the case, not in order to obtain the desired response, thus emphasizing the departure from the monologue culture in favor of dialogue and communication with the public. The author claims that the normative foundations of the community state are linked by the conviction that public values and purposes are established in the communication process. In this approach, it is important to achieve public purposes and the quality of their achievement, its constructive features are: network, multi-level management, conciliation, participation. The basic mechanisms of action of this type of state are: deliberation, compromise and arrangements are made in the social networks – the dominant type of management of public affairs in this model is co-management. Solicitude of the state as a common good obliges not only a citizen, but means that a citizen has the right to expect that public authority will act so that the Republic of Poland can be considered a common good by citizens. Referring to literature, the author notes that deliberative democracy and its concept put more emphasis on the importance of conversation, discussion and debate on democratic practice than on the importance of voting. Its supporters argue that the debate improves the quality of collective decisions and increases the chances of their acceptance. Varieties of deliberative democracy range from accentuating local representation to reinforcing the debate within representative legislative bodies. The article points out the differences between discourse and deliberation. Moreover, the forms of civic participation and civic participation techniques used in Poland are presented. We have come to live in times when communication, both traditional and with the help of modern media, plays a significant role in shaping societies. It is important to understand the basic laws guiding communication, the ability to properly form interpersonal relationships, cognize the factors affecting the quality of messages transmitted, the technique of freedom of expression, the skill of persuasion and argumentation. The correct perception of the essence of dialogue in a deliberative democracy is its foundation, especially when it concerns institutions aimed at turning natural and legal persons to public decision-making process. Considering the literature, it was found that new participative solutions, primarily the ability to dialogue, could prevent a democratic deficit and also indicated that that civic participation impacts on the creation of deliberative democracy.

2

Deliberative democracy and citizenship

94%

Pietrzyk-Reeves D.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2006

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vol. 35

43-64

EN

The model of deliberative democracy poses a number of dificult questions about individual rationality, public reason and justification, public spiritedness, and an active and supportive public sphere. It also raises the question about what kind of civic involvement is required for the practices of democratic deliberation to be effective. The aim of this article is to examine the last question by looking at the role and value of citizenship understood in terms of participation. It argues that deliberative democracy implies a category of democratic citizens; its institutional framework calls for the activity and competence of citizenry, and consequently, the participatory forms of deliberative democracy come closest to the democratic ideal as such. Also, the model of participatory-deliberative democracy is more attractive as a truly democratic ideal than the model of formal deliberative democracy, but it certainly faces more dificulties when it comes to the practicalities, and especially the institutional design. This problem is raised in the last section of the article where the possible applicability of such a model to post-communist democracies is addressed. The major dificulty that the participatory-deliberative model poses for the post-communist democratization can be explained by a reference to the cultural approach towards democratization and to the revised modernization theory presented by Inglehart and Welzel. The problem of the applicability of such a model in the post-communist context seems to support the thesis presented here which suggests that active citizenship, civic skills and civic culture are indispensable for the development of deliberative politics.

3

Preventing the Atrophy of the Deliberative Stance: Considering Non-Decisional Participation as a Prerequisite to Political Freedom

94%

Zabdyr-Jamróz M.

Avant

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2019

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vol. 10

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issue 1

89-117

EN

In order to be exercised meaningfully, political freedom requires the capacity to actually identify available policy options. To ensure this, society ought to engage in deliberation as a discussion oriented towards mutual learning. In order to highlight this issue, I define deliberation in terms of the participants’ openness to preference change, i.e. the deliberative stance. In the context of the systemic approach to deliberative theory, I find several factors causing the atrophy of such a deliberative stance. I note that this state can occur not only when debaters are representatives or are in the presence of an audience, but also when they face the prospect of a binding decision. It is the latter effect that is a serious challenge to the micro-deliberative strategy, one that strives towards decisional powers being granted to deliberative minipublics. Presenting my findings, I propose-as an alternative to the power-oriented ‘ladder of participation’-a distinction between traditional co-decision and deliberative consultation, the latter one being (in certain systemic contexts) an environment that is more conducive to deliberative stance. This new typology highlights factors that lead to preference petrification and allows for the appreciation of the non-decisional character of micro-deliberation. All of it leads to the conclusion that, in order to preserve their deliberative character in the systemic context, deliberative minipublics should not always be required to have decision-making powers

4

Vox Populi or abdication of responsibility?: The influence of the Irish Citizens’ Assembly on the public discourse regarding abortion, 2016-2019

94%

McNamara P., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Urbański D., Piechowiak-Lamparska J., Bryc A., Bojarczyk B., Jorgensen F. A. E., Niedziołka D., Pacześniak A., Potorski R., Wincławska M., Włodkowska-Bagan A., Jeran A., Mol A., Solsbery A., Dąbrowska I., Głodkowski M., Kopcewicz G., Olszanecka N., Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

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2019

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issue 2

EN

The last four decades have witnessed enormous changes in the Republic of Ireland in terms of society, economy and politics. Formerly perceived as a poor, peripheral and “priest-ridden” country additionally plagued by political violence in Northern Ireland, over recent decades Irish voters have supported a series of “liberal causes”. Indeed, nowhere is this more apparent than Ireland’s laws concerning abortion, an issue which displayed a seismic shift not only among Irish voters but the political parties which claim to represent them, a shift clearly reflected in the public discourse. At the same time, it will be seen that the use of a Citizens’ Assembly as an exercise in “deliberative democracy” has allowed mainstream political parties to pass responsibility, at least partially, for changes to controversial laws to an extra-parliamentary body, thereby allowing them to claim that they were following the will of “the people” and finally settle one of the longest running conflicts in Irish political life. Thus, this article seeks to examine and describe both how effective the Irish Citizens’ Assembly was at achieving its stated goal and its influence on the nation’s public discourse concerning the issue of abortion.

5

Possible application of deliberative democracy in parliament

94%

Dolný B.

Human Affairs

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2011

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vol. 21

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issue 4

422-436

EN

Deliberative democracy, as a dominant paradigm in contemporary democratic theory, offers a new, attractive conception of democratic legitimacy, which represents an alternative to a democracy that functions through the mechanism of political competition. A major problem with deliberation is the issue of its institutionalisation, as the theories of deliberative democracy have not produced a more specific institutional framework or form in which it could be used in political practice. Parliaments appear to be particularly suitable places for its potential implementation. Moreover, deliberative democracy could contribute to a change in discourse quality and the way decision-making is conducted in parliaments, which is often considered problematic. Due to its incompatibility with competitive democracy, the opportunities for introducing deliberative democracy into parliaments are very limited. The study also outlines three ways of reconciling deliberative democracy and parliaments.

6

OBLIGATORY COMMISSIONS AND CONSULTATIVE BODIES IN LEGISLATIVE BODIES OF TERRITORIAL SELF-GOVERNMENT UNITS IN POLAND AND TERRITORIAL COMMUNITIES IN FRANCE – DIRECTIONS OF CHANGES

94%

Augustyniak M.

Review of European and Comparative Law

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2018

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vol. 32

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issue 1

95-113

PL

The value of consultative democracy can not be overestimated, especially considering the local and supra-local administration gradually bringing the resident closer to self-government communities. Therefore, this issue is important and still requires improvement in the area of mutual relations between self-government authorities and residents of communes, districts/departments, voivodeships/regions. The search for common relations in participating in the management of the self-government community is a current challenge facing the territorial self-government in both legal orders. The comparative perspective in the scope of the functioning of commissions and consultative bodies of an obligatory nature is aimed at getting acquainted with the consultative administration in the territorial self-government in both legal orders and proposing directions of changes to Polish legal regulations in this area to improve the consultative dialogue and its normative tools.

7

Péče cestou deliberace: k ideji kontextuální morálky

94%

Ivic S.

Filosofický časopis (Philosophical Journal)

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2011

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vol. 59

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issue 4

517-531

EN

The second generation model of deliberation represented by I. M. Young, A. Gutmann, D. Thompson and J. S. Dryzek can serve as an effective tool for the institutionalization and establishment of the ethics of care. The ethics of care and the second generation model of deliberative democracy both recognize otherness and diversity and create a “policy of difference“ and a more inclusive, more substantial, notion of citizenship. They imply a conception of autonomy of the will that is based on the diversity and uniqueness of human experience. The first generation model of deliberation founded on reason, which implies sameness and universal citizenship, denies otherness and difference. Consequently, it cannot represent the foundation of the ethics of care. On the other hand, the third generation model of deliberation which emphasizes self-interest is contrary to the fundamental principles of deliberative democracy and is deeply flawed.

8

Demeny Voting in Poland: Introduction to a Research Concept

94%

Szczepański J.

Polish Journal of Political Science

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2017

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vol. 3

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issue 2

25-37

EN

Demeny voting is one of less known ways to modify the classic approach to organizing democratic elections. This paper is an attempt at identifying a proper approach to studies on the possible impact of the demeny voting system on the Polish political system. Moreover, it is devoted to identifying other fields that require further research which should precede proper investigation of possible application of demeny voting in Poland. Secondary interest of the article is to pursue the connection between demeny voting and the ideal of deliberative democracy. The author refers to the results of the 2015 general elections and Polish demographic information published by the Central Statistical Office of Poland. The analysis of the data may serve as of a first step towards determining a hypothetical impact of demeny voting on the Polish political system

9

Forum Debaty Publicznej

94%

Kozioł R.

Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica

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2014

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issue 13

201-219

EN

A crisis of contemporary democracy, long proclaimed by political analysts, and the growing discontent with its practice have given a stimulus for various remedial actions. One of these actions is the idea of deliberative democracy. Deliberative democracy is not only a multi-facet theoretical project (outlined briefly in the present article) but also a practice of promoting community participation and of introducing various, even non-standard, methods of participation. Such was the idea behind a presidential initiative in 2010 for setting up a platform for public discussion, Forum for Public Debate. The aims and objectives of the platform, its focus, underlying principles, as well as procedures in place and the results of what has been undertaken within its framework – they all show that the initiative is a clear manifestation of what is called deliberative democracy.

10

Teze o přelití v participativní demokracii: Empirická relevance a normativní udržitelnost

83%

Čambora J., Dufek P.

Politologická revue (Czech Political Science Review)

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2016

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issue 2

75-102

EN

The paper focuses on the “spillover thesis” which constitutes a pillar of much of contemporary participatory democratic theory; specifically, we assess the claim that workplace democratization leads to a higher degree of political participation amongst labourers. The paper analyses the thesis as formulated by Carole Pateman, including its later revisions triggered by ambiguous results of empirical studies aiming to (dis)prove it. The spillover thesis is then confronted with important methodological and theoretical critiques, the upshot being that in order to be able to arrive at determinate conclusions, more carefully designed empirical studies are needed. Normatively speaking, however, blame can always be laid on the wider environment of market economy and/or representative democracy, to the effect that the spillover thesis is both difficult to disprove and radically subversive. Given the recent dominance of deliberative democratic theory which incorporates a strong participatory element, we finally discuss whether a recent innovation – namely, the concept of deliberative systems – could be fruitfully employed as a flexible umbrella-type framework for the spillover thesis and the participatory ideals related to it.

11

U.S. Supreme Court in the civil rights era: Deliberative Democracy and its educative institutional role, 1950s–1970s

83%

Figueroa C.

Annales. Etyka w Życiu Gospodarczym

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2018

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vol. 21

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issue 4

59-88

EN

This article examines the U.S. Supreme Court’s lesser-known educative role as an egalitarian institution within a broader deliberative democratic process. Scholars have argued that the Court’s long asserted power of judicial review, especially in the equal protection and civil rights context, has been an over-reach of the judicial branch’s constitutional authority and responsibilities. Normative and empirical critiques have been centered on the aims of judicial review, and the challenges it poses in American political life. A core issue surrounding these critiques is that Justices are appointed not elected, and thus undermine the principle of majority rule in the U.S. constitutional democratic order. Although these critiques are legitimate in terms of claims about unelected Supreme Court Justices’ seemingly discretionary powers over elected legislative bodies, and the uncertain policy implications of judicial pronouncements on the broader society, there is, nevertheless, a positive application of judicial review as a tool Justices use as part of their educative role overcoming the so-called “counter-majoritarian difficulty.” Through a close reading of oral arguments in Brown vs. Board of Education (1954) and San Antonio vs. Rodriguez (1973)-two landmark cases invoking the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment to the federal Constitution-the article shows how appointed Justices adjudicate individual cases on appeal and attempt to educate (through an argumentative, reason-based and question-centered process) citizenlitigants and their legal representatives about the importance of equality, fairness and ethical responsibility even prior to rendering final decisions on policy controversies that have broader national social, political and economic implications.

12

Karl Mannheim on Democratic Interaction: Revisiting Mass Society Theory1

83%

Yamada R.

Human Affairs

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2015

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vol. 26

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issue 2

93-103

EN

This essay re-considers Karl Mannheim’s notion of democratic behaviour in the context of mass society. Although the term ‘mass society’ seems archaic, it is still the precondition of democracy today. Mannheim conceptualized mass society as irrational, disintegrating Great Society and presented the remedy of Planning for Freedom to counter the crisis of mass democracy. In his remedy Mannheim advocated social education that fosters citizens’ democratic interaction, and the keywords of his education were ‘integrative behaviour’ and ‘creative tolerance’. The similar orientation of his remedy can be found in much more contemporary critiques of deliberative democracy. Iris Marion Young’s ‘communicative democracy’ was a version of her democratic interaction in a complex, large-scale mass society. Young’s notion of ‘reasonableness’ has substantial affinity with Mannheim’s integrative behaviour, both of which require the democratic attitude of hearing the other side and the readiness to self-transform. Mass society theory has relevance for contemporary democratic theory.

13

Budżet Obywatelski Miasta Krakowa jako przykład realizacja demokracji deliberatywnej

83%

Łukasik P.

Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica

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2020

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issue 25

98-118

EN

The history of participatory budget (PB) in Poland is less than 10 years old. The occurrence of PB was to raise the local government to a higher level of civil society by introducing so-called deliberative democracy. For some contemporary political thinkers, what defines politics is intersubjective dialogue conducted by citizens in an open and public space. Deliberative democracy is characterized by: a) elementary competences of the participants who have to become acquainted with the material concerning the issue concerned b) the need to formulate their position, which is the result of reflection, reflection on the issue c) civic debate where all proposals have the right to be presented, argued and discussed. The subject of this paper is the civic budget, also referred to as participatory budget (both names are often used interchangeably) as an expression of the willingness of citizens to allocate funds that are available to local authorities. Editions of the citizens’ budget in Krakow between 2014 and 2019 were analysed, the procedure and functions of this social institution were shown.

14

Why Should We Prevent a Global Anglo-American Life-World? A Democratic-Deliberative Answer

83%

Morales-Gálvez S.

Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies

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2016

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vol. 9

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issue 1

15-22

EN

Should English be promoted as a worldwide lingua franca for justice-related reasons? Philippe Van Parijs answers affirmatively in order to promote global distributive justice. In contrast, I argue that a rapid expansion of English could lead to one undesirable consequence that ought to be prevented: the globalization of an Anglo-American life-world that impoverishes democratic-deliberative debates. Inspired by John Stuart Mill, I will defend the idea that the more dominant the Anglo-American life-world is, the less diversity of life-worlds and, therefore, the less diversity of substantial voices in the global democratic-deliberative process there will be. It might be that more voices could be heard (because of the lingua franca), but with less substantial diversity of opinions. In that sense, the life-worlds (and language as an access key to them) have an instrumental value that enables plurality and better deliberative discussion. For that reason, I contend that there is a pro tanto reason to prevent the expansion of English as a lingua franca.

15

Socrates and Deliberative Democracy. On Socrates’ Conception of Politics in Plato’s Apology, Crito and Gorgias

82%

Jedan C.

Peitho. Examina Antiqua

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2010

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vol. 1

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issue 1

31-44

EN

The position of Socrates in Plato’s earlier dialogues is often seen as an anticipation of contemporary political theories. This article takes issue with the claim that Socrates anticipated modern theories of deliberative democracy. It examines three early Platonic dialogues (the Apology, the Crito and the Gorgias) and argues that the Socrates presented in the dialogues is actually far more dogmatic in ethical as well as religious matters than such annexations of Socrates can acknowledge. Furthermore, Socrates does not develop a theory that would support Athenian democracy. Although politically inactive within the Athenian political framework, Socrates is nonetheless depicted in the Gorgias as formulating an “ethical” view of politics. According to this conception, true politics is always virtue‑ oriented. It is a matter of improving the characters of one’s fellow citizens, and is detached from the question of how political power should be distributed. Socrates’ political outlook is echoed in several Hellenistic philosophical schools, the Stoics in particular.

PL

Die Figur des Sokrates, die uns in den frühen platonischen Dialogen entgegentritt, wird für eine Vielzahl heutiger politischer Theorien als Ahnherr reklamiert. Das Problem bei solchen Vereinnahmungsversuchen ist, dass sie den Blick auf das Sperrige, historisch Besondere und gar nicht zu unseren Erwartungen Passende des sokratischen Denkens verstellen. In diesem Artikel wende ich mich exemplarisch einer solchen Vereinnahmung von Sokrates für heutige politische Theorien zu, nämlich Versuchen, Sokrates zum Ahnherrn heutiger “deliberativer” Demokratiekonzeptionen zu erklären. Ich werde mithilfe einer stark kontextualisierenden Interpretation von drei frühen Platondialogen - der Apologie, dem Kriton und dem Gorgias - zeigen, dass solche Vereinnahmungsversuche den spezifischen religiösen Charakter von Sokrates’ “Berufung” aus dem Auge verlieren. Es ist diese religiöse Berufung, die Sokrates davon abhält, sich in einer für den athenischen “Mainstream” akzeptablen Weise in politische Diskurse einzubringen. Es wäre allerdings auch verkehrt, Sokrates zu einem im Grunde unpolitischen Denker zu erklären.1 Ich werde zeigen, dass Sokrates’ Haltung durchaus politisch zu verstehen ist. Sie repräsentiert eine Strömung im antiken griechischen politischen Denken, die der Perfektion der persönlichen ethischen Haltung einen absoluten Primat einräumt. Dabei gehe ich wie folgt vor: Im ersten Abschnitt zeige ich kurz, auf welche Weise Sokrates für verschiedene deliberative Demokratiekonzeptionen vereinnahmt worden ist. Im zweiten Abschnitt biete ich eine Interpretation der Apologie, des Kriton und des Gorgias. Im dritten Abschnitt analysiere ich zusammenfassend das sokratische Politikverständnis.

DE

The position of Socrates in Plato’s earlier dialogues is often seen as an anticipation of contemporary political theories. This article takes issue with the claim that Socrates anticipated modern theories of deliberative democracy. It examines three early Platonic dialogues (the Apology, the Crito and the Gorgias) and argues that the Socrates presented in the dialogues is actually far more dogmatic in ethical as well as religious matters than such annexations of Socrates can acknowledge. Furthermore, Socrates does not develop a theory that would support Athenian democracy. Although politically inactive within the Athenian political framework, Socrates is nonetheless depicted in the Gorgias as formulating an “ethical” view of politics. According to this conception, true politics is always virtue‍‑oriented. It is a matter of improving the characters of one’s fellow citizens, and is detached from the question of how political power should be distributed. Socrates’ political outlook is echoed in several Hellenistic philosophical schools, the Stoics in particular.

16

Konkluzja sejmu konwokacyjnego 1733 roku. Przyczynek do refleksji nad kryzysem staropolskiej demokracji deliberacyjnej

71%

Kucharski T.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2019

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issue 4(153)

27–48

EN

An article is devoted to the proceedings of a General Sejm session in the interregnum of 1733 (so-called convocational Sejm). The reflection is focused on actions of the archbishop of Gniezno — Teodor Potocki, at the time the prime senator and the president of the government. Achieving his political goals required to conduct a Sejm session smoothly. Potocki wanted to enact the law that would exclude political opponents of Stanisław Leszczyński in the future election. To ensure this and neutralize political rivals, the archbishop decided to break old-Polish parliamentary rules, consequently blocked the free discussion and refused to accept dissent announced by deputies. It caused an enormous political crisis, led to the questioning of the Sejm resolutions and, finally, to a failure of Leszczyński’s candidacy. The main purpose of the article is to show that the old-Polish mechanisms of the political system can be seen as feudal “deliberative democracy” based on freedom of political debate, unanimity in enacting laws, and weak government. By using an example of the Sejm in 1733 and its failure, the author tries to assess the causes and mechanisms of the crisis of old-Polish parliamentarism during the liberum veto era.

17

Selected Issues Regarding the Normative Regulation of the Citizens’ Panel in Poland

71%

Glejt-Uziębło P.

Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego

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2019

|

issue 6 (52)

367-383

EN

The citizens’ panel is one of the instruments of deliberative democracy, which has been recently implemented in Poland. Its essence is manifested in the creation of a representative group of residents, which, after acquiring knowledge on a given topic, prepare recommendations constituting a solution to a given problem. The current legal solutions concerning the citizens’ panel in Poland are primarily governed by local law. They vary not only in content, but also in legal forms, initiators, methods of appointing experts and even the very concept of the “citizens’ panel”. This article attempts to show these differences in current Polish regulations. The considerations on the citizens’ panel are followed by conclusions de lege ferenda which aim to improve the current legislative solutions.

PL

Panel obywatelski jest jednym z instrumentów demokracji deliberatywnej, który od niedawna jest wykorzystywany w Polsce. Jego istota przejawia się w utworzeniu reprezentatywnej grupy mieszkańców, która po pozyskaniu wiedzy na dany temat, stworzyłaby rekomendacje stanowiące rozwiązanie określonego problemu. Obecne rozwiązania prawne polskiego panelu obywatelskiego występują są przede wszystkim regulowane aktami prawa miejscowego. Są one zróżnicowane nie tylko co do treści, ale również form prawnych, podmiotów inicjujących, sposobu powoływania ekspertów, a nawet samego pojęcia „panelu obywatelskiego”. W niniejszym opracowaniu podjęto próbę ukazania tych różnić w dotychczasowych polskich regulacjach. Przedstawiono także wnioski de lege ferenda, mające na celu ulepszenie legislacyjnych rozwiązań.

18

Nowe procedury konsultacji Komisji Europejskiej jako czynnik niwelujący deficyt demokracji w UE

71%

Vetulani-Cęgiel A.

Przegląd Europejski

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2017

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vol. 2017 (45)(3)

116-135

PL

The objective of the article is to assess the new Commission’s Guidelines on Stakeholder Consultation (2015) in the EU policy-shaping in view of raising effectiveness of the EU governance model and of reducing the EU democratic deficit. The hypothesis of the article is that the Commission’s revision of the stakeholder consultation procedures contributes to overcoming the EU crisis of the consultation model and, in general, to reducing the democratic deficit in the EU. The neoinstitutional research perspective permits to catch the relations between the EU institutions and stakeholders wanting to co-shape EU sectoral policies, and the concepts of the UE democratic legitimacy (by F. Scharpf) as well as of the deliberative democracy (by J. Habermas) make possible to verify the research hypothesis. The verification takes place also in the course of the analysis of the new guidelines by confronting them with the identified deficits in matters of the dialogue with stakeholders. Celem artykułu jest ocena nowych procedur prowadzenia przez Komisję Europejską konsultacji z zainteresowanymi stronami (2015) w toku kształtowania unijnych polityk sektorowych z punktu widzenia efektywności unijnego modelu rządzenia oraz niwelowania deficytu demokracji w UE. W pracy zakłada się, iż przeprowadzona przez Komisję rewizja procedur przyczynia się do przezwyciężania kryzysu unijnego modelu konsultacji, a w ogólności do niwelowania deficytu demokracji w Unii Europejskiej. Zastosowana w analizie neoinstytucjonalna perspektywa badawcza pozwala na ujęcie relacji pomiędzy instytucjami UE a interesariuszami zainteresowanymi współkształtowaniem polityki sektorowej, natomiast koncepcja legitymizacji demokratycznej UE F. Scharpfa oraz demokracji deliberatywnej J. Habermasa na weryfikację hipotezy badawczej. Weryfikacja następuje również w toku analizy nowych wytycznych w konfrontacji ze zidentyfikowanymi deficytami w zakresie dialogu z zainteresowanymi stronami.

19

Kryzys debaty publicznej na przykładzie debaty bioetycznej

71%

Dudkiewicz I.

Facta Ficta. Journal of Theory, Narrative & Media

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2021

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vol. 7

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issue 1

227-241

EN

Both in scientific literature and journalism, there is the thesis about the low quality of the Polish bioethical debate. In support of this statement, the form of media and political discussions on the subject of the conscience clause, specific borderline situations (eg in the cases of Alfie Evans, "Pole from Plymouth") or the legal regulation of termination of pregnancy are cited. Ignacy Dudkiewicz in the chapter The crisis of public debate on the example of bioethical debate attempts to organize the diagnosis of the state of Polish bioethical debate and reflects on further methods of its research and the relationship between the state of bioethical debate and public debate in general. He argues that the understanding of the problems related to the quality of the Polish bioethical debate can help for a better understanding also of the problems relating to the public debate in general, and that an appropriate field for further scientific considerations on increasing the quality of both, may be the concept of deliberative democracy. The chapter includes, firstly, a justification why reflection on the quality of the bioethical debate is needed – due to its semi-nature, the importance of the issues it concerns and the prevalence of the discussion. Secondly, identifying the specificity of the bioethical debate in relation to the public debate in general. Thirdly, an outline of a critical diagnosis of the state of bioethical discussion on the basis of the available literature along with the justification and indication of its numerous weaknesses – both those specific to the bioethical debate and those of a general nature concerning the entire public debate. Fourthly and finally: proposals for further research activities – making an in-depth diagnosis on the example of the discussion on the conscience clause and reflection on whether a deliberative democracy could create conditions for increasing the quality of the bioethical debate, and thus also for enacting better law in bioethical matters, taking into account the worldview differentiation of a democratic society and the rule of law.

20

Javier Sicilia: Advocate of deliberative democracy in the Americas

71%

Rathbun L.

Annales. Etyka w Życiu Gospodarczym

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2018

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vol. 21

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issue 4

113-133

EN

When Javier Sicilia’s son was killed by cartel assassins in 2011, he transformed into a civic activist, with a mass following sufficiently large for Time Magazine to recognize him in 2011 as one of its “Protestors of the Year.” His very success mobilizing public opinion against cartel violence overshadows his more fundamental role as an advocate for deliberative democracy in the Americas. Sicilia’s historical importance lies in his recognition that only civic dialogue within the transnational public sphere that includes Mexico and the United States can heal the social pathologies unleashed by globalization and by the war on drugs. His ultimate achievement has been to dramatize what would be required of citizens to realize the democratic ideals that both countries profess as the foundations of their national identities.

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Partycypacja obywatelska w demokracji deliberacyjnej ku dobru wspólnemu

Deliberative democracy and citizenship

Preventing the Atrophy of the Deliberative Stance: Considering Non-Decisional Participation as a Prerequisite to Political Freedom

Vox Populi or abdication of responsibility?: The influence of the Irish Citizens’ Assembly on the public discourse regarding abortion, 2016-2019

Possible application of deliberative democracy in parliament

OBLIGATORY COMMISSIONS AND CONSULTATIVE BODIES IN LEGISLATIVE BODIES OF TERRITORIAL SELF-GOVERNMENT UNITS IN POLAND AND TERRITORIAL COMMUNITIES IN FRANCE – DIRECTIONS OF CHANGES

Péče cestou deliberace: k ideji kontextuální morálky

Demeny Voting in Poland: Introduction to a Research Concept

Forum Debaty Publicznej

Teze o přelití v participativní demokracii: Empirická relevance a normativní udržitelnost

U.S. Supreme Court in the civil rights era: Deliberative Democracy and its educative institutional role, 1950s–1970s

Karl Mannheim on Democratic Interaction: Revisiting Mass Society Theory1

Budżet Obywatelski Miasta Krakowa jako przykład realizacja demokracji deliberatywnej

Why Should We Prevent a Global Anglo-American Life-World? A Democratic-Deliberative Answer

Socrates and Deliberative Democracy. On Socrates’ Conception of Politics in Plato’s Apology, Crito and Gorgias

Konkluzja sejmu konwokacyjnego 1733 roku. Przyczynek do refleksji nad kryzysem staropolskiej demokracji deliberacyjnej

Selected Issues Regarding the Normative Regulation of the Citizens’ Panel in Poland

Nowe procedury konsultacji Komisji Europejskiej jako czynnik niwelujący deficyt demokracji w UE

Kryzys debaty publicznej na przykładzie debaty bioetycznej

Javier Sicilia: Advocate of deliberative democracy in the Americas