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EN
When Soviet Union collapsed, there were different hypothesis regarding democratic reforms and political system changes in Kyrgyzstan. It was believed that Kyrgyzstan would develop its independent policy and democratic governance. Since early 1990s European countries through OSCE, and later through the EU launched development projects have been playing central role in democracy promotion and civil society development in Central Asia. At the same time, as analysis show geopolitical interests of neighboring powerful states such as Russia and China increased in the region, which resulted the creation of regional institutions such as Shanhai Cooperation Organization (SCO), Collective Security Organization (CSO), Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) and Silk Road Belt Initiative (SRBI). While being the fully-fledged member of China and Russia led regional institutions, Kyrgyzstan is under heavy political and economic influence. Besides, human rights situation in Kyrgyzstan like in other Central Asian countries has been deteriorating for last few years. Thus, the research paper focuses on interplay between Russia and China for geopolitical dominance in the region, including how it negatively influences for political volatility, civil society suppression and deterioration of human rights issues. Paper equally analyzes European countries engagement in human rights and democracy promotion in Kyrgyzstan. The research considers important to analyze the EU strategy in democratic reforms in Central Asia and to investigate why it matters for the EU.
EN
The main aim of the article is a theoretical and empirical analysis of the impact of the European Union on the democratization process in the countries of Eastern Europe. In its foreign policy the European Union, regarded as a normative power, has a strategic interest in stabilizing neighbouring countries through the export of democratic values in order to ensure its own security. It is claimed, however, that the European Union’s ability to influence the outside world is limited. The effectiveness of the EU’s conditionality policy is mainly related to the perceived benefits by third countries – in case of Eastern European countries a membership offer as the main incentive is not yet taken into account. Of great importance there is also a lack of common EU position towards Russia, which regards a European export of democratic values to countries of the post-Soviet area as a challenge to its position on the international arena. A European-Russian rivalry on the post-Soviet area can be then described using realist theory of international relations. The article ends with recommendations for the European Union.
EN
The main goal of the article is to analyse continuity and change in American foreign policy with a particular emphasis on the concept of President Woodrow Wilson and its impact on the international strategy of the United States during World War II, the beginning of the Cold War and after it. The article puts forward the thesis that the concept of Woodrow Wilson was not created in a vacuum and although it brought to an end the era based on the Farewell Address of President George Washington’s from 1796, it fits very well in the tradition of thinking about the American nation and its mission, as well as with other elements that form the basis of the U.S. international activities. Wilsonianism, understood as liberal internationalism, has been a very influential concept in the development of American foreign policy for decades and contributed during World War II to the rise of the American era in international politics. Due to the transformation of the global order after the end of the Cold War and in view of the presidency of Donald Trump, the question of the end of the American century may be considered. In analysing the U.S. foreign policy, the author takes into account both the liberal theory, referred to by Woodrow Wilson, as well as realism that can be associated with Wilson’s predecessor, President Theodor Roosevelt.
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Understanding EU sanctioning behavior

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EN
The European Union may impose sanctions in the absence of a mandate by the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), or after the UNSC has agreed its own measures. This creates a situation in which the UN and the EU enact sanctions in parallel. One of the issues that research on sanctions has not yet ascertained is their relation to UNSC sanctions. What impact does the imposition of UN sanctions have on the behavior of the EU as a sender of sanctions? In the present paper, we seek to address this gap by exploring the impact of UN sanctions on EU sanctions enactment. To this aim, we develop assumptions that relate the likelihood of the EU enacting measures in the absence or in the presence of UN sanctions to the nature of the objectives followed. Equally, we relate EU behavior in the easing, escalation and termination of its sanctions to the concurrent presence or absence of UN measures. We test our hypotheses on a new data set on economic sanctions for the period 1989-2015 (EUSANCT) which integrates and updates existing sanctions data sets, thanks to which we obtain fresh results.
EN
The global spread of democracy is considered one of the most remarkable changes in world politics in the 20th century. Due to the strong correlation between the democratic system and the free market, democracy promotion began to become a more common practice, carried out by an increasing number of international actors. The purpose of this article is to take a critical view of democracy promotion. In doing so, it is important to show which actors are promoting democracy, as well as to present their main objectives, in order to finally focus on a critical analysis of the phenomenon of democracy promotion, with a reference to the most important arguments appearing on the subject, both in academic and political discourse. The article singles out key factors affecting the weakening of democracy promotion abroad, pointing to: the limited ability of international actors to influence the democratization process of individual countries, which depends on a number of internal factors; the decline in credibility, trust in democracy promoters (especially the US), and the conflict of goals and interests.
PL
Za jedno z najbardziej znaczących przemian w polityce światowej w XX wieku uznaje się globalne rozprzestrzenianie się demokracji. Ze względu na (jak się wydawało) silne zależności pomiędzy ustrojem demokratycznym i wolnym rynkiem promowanie demokracji zaczęło być coraz częstszym zjawiskiem, realizowanym przez coraz większą liczbę międzynarodowych aktorów. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest krytyczne spojrzenie na promowanie demokracji. Ważne jest przy tym pokazanie, jakie podmioty promują demokrację, jak również przedstawienie głównych celów im przyświecających i narzędzi wykorzystywanych, aby finalnie skupić się na krytycznej analizie zjawiska promowania demokracji, z przytoczeniem najważniejszych argumentów pojawiających się na ten temat zarówno w dyskursie naukowym, jak i politycznym. W artykule wyodrębniono kluczowe czynniki wpływające na osłabienie promowania demokracji za granicą, wskazując na: ograniczoną zdolność wpływania podmiotów międzynarodowych na proces demokratyzacji poszczególnych państw, który uzależniony jest od wielu czynników wewnętrznych; spadek wiarygodności, zaufania do promotorów demokracji (zwłaszcza do USA) oraz konflikt celów i interesów pomiędzy nadawcami i odbiorcami.
EN
This paper focuses on the intersection of actors and discourses in “doing civil society” in everyday life. It takes into account the diversified discourse about civil society in the socio-historical context of Poland. Interviews with human rights and democracy activists in post-socialist Poland provided the empirical basis for the qualitative study. Methodologically, a triangulation of biographical analysis and discourse analysis was used in order to approach the social phenomenon from different perspectives. Using the framework of Grounded Theory Methodology (GTM), two interpretative types were reconstructed on the level of action patterns and interpretative schemes: the qualification and the empowerment type. The article introduces the methodological framework, the discursive construction of civil society and the two interpretative types, illustrated by case studies.
PL
Artykuł ten traktuje o wzajemnym wpływie dyskursów oraz aktorów społecznych w ramach „praktykowania społeczeństwa obywatelskiego” (doing civil society) w codziennym życiu. Autorka koncentruje się na zróżnicowanym dyskursie społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w Polsce, uwzględniając kontekst społeczno-historyczny tego zjawiska. Empiryczną podstawę prezentowanych w tekście badań jakościowych stanowią wywiady z działaczami na rzecz demokracji i praw człowieka. By ukazać analizowane zjawisko społeczne z różnych perspektyw, w ramach metodologii teorii ugruntowanej zastosowana została triangulacja analizy dyskursu i analizy biograficznej. Na poziomie wzorów działania oraz schematów interpretacyjnych zrekonstruowano dwa typy działających aktorów – typ zaangażowania opartego na kompetencjach i typ zaangażowania opartego na upełnomocnieniu. W artykule przedstawione zostały kolejno ramy metodologiczne, uwagi dotyczące konstrukcji społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w dyskursie oraz – tytułem ilustracji – dwa studia przypadków odnoszące się do wspomnianych, modelowych kategorii działaczy społeczeństwa obywatelskiego.
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