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EN
The American model of democracy is identified with liberal democracy, which in the West is usually considered a democracy of the highest quality standards. The illiberal authorities in Poland criticize this model of democracy, introducing a number of legal changes which, in their opinion, are to lead to an improvement in the quality of democracy. American researchers quite unequivocally criticize the changes, especially those taking place in the area of independence of the judiciary, freedom of the media and women’s rights. They also criticize the attitude of the Polish authorities towards minorities, including LGBTQ+ communities. Criticism also appeared from the American authorities, although in this case we were dealing with a large variation in the approach of individual administrations. The aim of the article is to analyze and evaluate the American perspective on the quality of democracy in Poland. During the research, scientists and experts from research institutions in Washington, D.C. and New York were interviewed.
EN
: Reforms implemented in recent years by the Polish government of Law and Justice party are described as a manifestation of democratic backsliding. Changes in the judiciary and the media are seen as the main signs of departing from the basic values of liberal democracy and the rule of law. They met with strong international criticism, mainly from the institutions of the European Union and Western European countries. These changes are also observed with concern in the United States, but so far the US reaction has been moderate. This was primarily due to the limited interest of President Donald Trump’s administration in promoting democracy. Later, this issue has been overshadowed by the destabilization of military security in the region. Anyway, the US reaction to the deviation of the Polish authorities from the principles of the democratic state of law must be decisive, but also constructive, based on dialogue, cooperation, clear criteria and a joint search for solutions. First of all, it must not violate the American security guarantees towards Poland.
PL
The United States has been the main promoter of democratic values in the world for decades. After the Cold War, promoting these values in Central and Eastern Europe, including Poland, was their important strategic goal. Poland, striving for the closest possible relations with the US, joined its efforts to promote democracy in Eastern Europe and other parts of the world. While this had tangible effects in the vicinity of Poland, doing so as part of military missions in Afghanistan and Iraq ended in failure. In recent years, Polish-American cooperation to promote democracy has been limited due to democratic backsliding in Poland. The American authorities have criticized the legal changes in Poland that limit the independence of the judiciary and freedom of the media, as well as other actions that violate the principles of liberal democracy and the rule of law. Criticism has a limited impact on stopping the regression of democracy in Poland. Moreover, with the outbreak of the war in Ukraine, the issue of democratic backsliding has been overshadowed by the military aspects of Polish-American cooperation.
EN
Stany Zjednoczone od dziesięcioleci są głównym promotorem wartości demokratycznych na świecie. Po zimnej wojnie promowanie tych wartości w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej, w tym w Polsce, było ich ważnym celem strategicznym. Polska, dążąc do jak najściślejszych stosunków z USA, włączyła się w działania na rzecz promocji demokracji w Europie Wschodniej i innych częściach świata. Choć miało to wymierne skutki w sąsiedztwie Polski, to w ramach misji wojskowych w Afganistanie i Iraku zakończyło się fiaskiem. W ostatnich latach polsko-amerykańska współpraca na rzecz promocji demokracji została ograniczona ze względu na demokratyczny regres w Polsce. Władze amerykańskie skrytykowały zmiany prawne w Polsce, które ograniczają niezależność sądownictwa i wolność mediów, a także inne działania naruszające zasady liberalnej demokracji i rządów prawa. Krytyka ma ograniczony wpływ na zatrzymanie regresu demokracji w Polsce. Ponadto wraz z wybuchem wojny na Ukrainie kwestia demokratycznego odstępstwa zostaje przyćmiona przez militarne aspekty współpracy polsko-amerykańskiej.
EN
Recent years have witnessed the publication of a number of research papers and books seeking to assess threats of electoral victories of anti-establishment politicians and political parties, described as authoritarian populists. This essay focuses on three books directly addressing the origins and threats of authoritarian populism to democracy. It consists of six sections and the conclusion. The first section presents findings (Norris and Inglehart) based on surveys of values of voters of various age cohorts concluding that authoritarian populism is a temporary backlash provoked by the post-materialist perspective. The second section examines the contention, spelled out in Levitsky and Ziblatt, that increase in openness of American political system produced,  unintentionally, a degradation of the American political system. The third section continues brief presentations focusing on to the causes and implications of “illiberal democracy,” and “undemocratic liberalism” (Mounk). The fourth section examines developments in the quality of democracy in the world showing that despite the decline in Democracy Indices, overall there was no slide towards non-democratic forms of government in 2006–2019. The next two sections deal with dimensions missing in reviewed books; the notion of nation-state, international environment, civic culture and, in particular, dangers of radical egalitarianism to democracy. The last section concludes with regrets that the authors ignored rich literature on fragility of democracy and failed to incorporate in their analyses deeper structural factors eroding democracy: by the same token, return to the pre-populist shock trajectory is unlikely to assure survival of liberal democracy.
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